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Who was Charles Kingston O'Mahony?

Who was Charles Kingston O'Mahony?

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I've read his book The Viceroys of Ireland and am trying to find out more about him. The book was published in 1912 and I can't find any more information about him.

I was able to dig up references to two people who might or might not be him:

  1. A writer who published many detective books in the period 1925-1941.

  2. A priest who helped De Valera escape from prison:

Collins and Boland went to London and then back to Dublin. The others journeyed back to Manchester by way of Sheffield. Milroy and McGarry were hidden by leading Manchester IRA commander Liam MacMahon in his own house, while De Valera stayed with a local priest, Father Charles O'Mahony. The police were looking for De Valera, of course, and MacMahon was warned by Thomas Walsh, a sympathetic detective in the Manchester force, that they were getting close. On 18th February, dressed as a priest and escorted by two young Irish women, De Valera travelled back to Dublin. At the beginning of June he went to the United States.

However, the first one seems to have little connection to Irish affairs, by the titles of his books, and the second one doesn't sound like the author of the book I've read (but who knows… ).

I am going to catalog the results above because comments sometimes get deleted, and are not intended to be part of the permanent record for a question.

  • The Online Books Page for Charles Kingston O'Mahoney, 1884-
  • All entries for the name O'Mahoney at GravestonePhotos.com
  • Charles Kingston O'Mahoney grave monument details (now 1884-1944)
  • Project Gutenberg: The Viceroys of Ireland by Charles Kingston O'Mahoney
  • Detective novels by Charles Kingston (noted on site as also Charles Kingston O'Mahoney)
  • 1920 US Census lists a Charles Omahoney, born about 1884, living in Bronx, NY
  • 1930 US Census lists a Charles O'Mahoney, spouse Helen O'Mahoney, born about 1882, living in Bronx NY

Update - from an anonymous contributor:

Charles O'Mahony in the 1930 US Census Bronx NY is my mother's uncle. He was married to Helen Zacbek. He was born in Nenagh, Co. Tipperary, Ireland 1881 and died in the Bronx NY 1942. He is not Charles Kingston O'Mahony.
Seamus Murray Dublin

Charles W Kingston is Excommunicated from the LDS Church

In August 1928, Brother Charles took Sister Vesta with him to the Temple in Salt Lake City to do temple work. As their recommends were read, the man asked Charles, “Are you Charles Kingston from Idaho or the one from Ogden?” (referring to Charles Kingston Sr.)

Charles answered, “I’m the one from Idaho.” The man told Charles, “Well, then, if that’s the case you can’t go through the temple until you see the President [of the temple]” who was Brother George F. Richards.

As he was waiting for his temple recommend to be examined, Brother Charles told Sister Vesta there was a little difficulty about his recommend and if he could get it taken care of, he would follow her through the rest of the session, but if he was unable to do this, he would meet her at the small gate in the East wall of the temple grounds.

Brother Charles tells the experience:

After Brother Charles was told he couldn’t go through the temple, he spent the next four hours talking to his friends around Salt Lake who had been teaching him the Gospel. The first man he approached advised him to make the promises and then not keep them. Brother Charles told him he couldn’t do that. If he made any promises, he was going to keep them.

Not satisfied, Brother Charles talked to Charles Zitting who told him, “I would be careful as to what promise I would make, especially a promise as important as the one they demand of you.”

Immediately Zitting called J. Leslie Broadbent on the phone and made an appointment for Brother Charles to meet him at two o’clock that same afternoon. He met Charles on the second floor mezzanine of the Hotel Utah (now known as the Joseph Smith Memorial Building on Temple Square).

Brother Broadbent told him, “Brother Kingston, you are in a very serious situation. A lot of us have lost all we had in this world when they have been faced with the same things you face this afternoon but I want to tell you, Brother Kingston, that if you make these promises and keep them, when you family finds out what you have done, they won’t consider you as much as a yellow dog. They will lose all the respect for you.”

Brother Charles said, “That is the way I feel, but shall I go back and tell them I won’t make those promises they want me to make?” Brother Broadbent answered, “No, don’t ever go back and see them.” (Talk given by Charles W Kingston, March 1958)

Brother Charles continues to tell the story:

When he presented the situation to her she was very upset. Up to that time, Vesta was 100% for the Church she believed in the Church. Brother Charles was one of the prominent men in the ward. He was one of the Seventies. Sister Vesta was very active in the Church activities and in the Relief Society. They paid complete, exact tithing. The Church had been their whole life. If Brother Charles lost his membership in the Church, she was going to stay with the church and raise her family there.

Sister Vesta told Brother Charles:

Brother Charles began to recall the dream he had when he was much younger and felt this experience of being blocked from the temple had been foreshadowed. In his dream Brother Charles was shown that some time in the future there would come a time of great decision, that he would face a crisis in which his whole future and the future of all those depending upon him would be hanging in the balance. In the dream he was told to stay on the path and never stray from it.

Brother Charles had told this dream to his mother when he was younger, and she remembered it many years later. When Brother Christiansen, the temple recorder, informed Charles’ parents regarding his status in the temple, they wrote a letter to Charles:

Brother Charles parents felt that the part of the dream where Charles was hanging by his fingertips must be referring to him possibly being severed from the church.

Charles didn’t travel to Ogden, so his mother and father traveled to Idaho Falls. His mother spoke to him for most of two nights to convince him to bring himself in line with the Church.

Brother Elden talks to Brother Charles

Soon after Charles’ parents visited, his son Elden, who was married and living on a farm in Roberts, Idaho, came down to Idaho Falls to talk to his father. Elden asked him if he would walk into town with him.

About two or three times a week after work, Brother Charles would get on the evening train to go to Roberts to meet Brother Elden at the depot. They had three hours to discuss the Gospel before the Butte train arrived to take Brother Charles back to Idaho Falls. Brother Elden also went to Salt Lake to the Church Historian’s office to make a thorough investigation of the things he was told. This program was carried out for some months, resulting in Charles’ son Elden becoming convinced that his father was right.

In November of 1928, Brother Elden had a dream in which he states an angel of the Lord came to him and showed him a ship in the ocean preparing to sail for a distant port. The angel said, “Son, your mother is on that ship and that ship is going to sink. Your mother is going to have only one chance to get off. If she fails to take that chance, she will go down with the ship.” Brother Elden wrote her a letter, and soon thereafter he came down to Idaho Falls and told her the dream. He had become quite concerned about the family. He well knew the meaning of the dream concerning the sinking of the ship and his mother having only one chance to get off. He told his mother the dream and the meaning of it, which seemed to help her.

Brother Charles is Removed from the Quorum of the Seventies

In the meantime, the Church, the bishop, and the stake president decided they were going to take action against Brother Charles. The Church sent B.H. Roberts to drop Brother Charles from the presidency of the one hundred and forty-sixth quorum of Seventies.

B.H. Roberts was one of the LDS Church General Authorities, First Council of the Seventies. He was a noted Church writer and assistant Church historian. He was also the stepson of John Woolley and knew about the four hidden revelations.

They had a meeting in the ward. This meeting was held after the Sunday night meeting: The members of the Quorum being present.

As Brother Charles told the story:

In the middle of the meeting, B.H. Roberts and Brother Charles went off in another part of the building to talk. B.H. Roberts knew Brother Charles was teaching the truth, but he wanted to Brother Charles to not talk about it.

Brother Charles later wrote in a letter some of the things that were discussed with B.H. Roberts:

Brother Charles explained to B.H. Roberts that he did not think it was fair to try to sneak his way into heaven and not let anybody else know about the truth. When he found out about these things, he felt it was his responsibility to let the other people know about it so they could make their own decision. Brother Charles felt it was not fair to them to not let them know the truth.

B.H. Roberts told him he couldn’t help him and he would probably lose his membership in the Church.

Brother Charles and B.H. Roberts went back to the Seventies group. Brother Roberts told the group that Brother Charles had pleaded guilty to the charge and asked the group to take action against Brother Charles with the uplifted right hand. Oscar Snarr failed to raise his hand. Brother Roberts chided him saying, “What’s the matter with you? Do you want to be our of harmony too? You better get your hand up there.” The man raised his hand half high. Brother Roberts said, “Get it up there, clear up so we all can see.” And he raised it high.

After this was done, Brother Roberts stood upon a chair and raising both arms to the square prayed and asked the Lord to bless what he had done. Sister Vesta was sitting all this time on one of the front seats just off the speakers stand watching this performance. She considered it sacrilege for B.H. Roberts to act as he did. Later Sister Vesta dreamed B.H. Roberts was smoking a cigar. These were some of the things that helped Sister Vesta know that the Church was off track.

Brother Charles was removed from the Quorum of the Seventies and turned over to the High Council and his trial was set for the 4th day of March.

Brother Charles tells another experience that took place about a month or so before his trial:

The Church had been keeping Charles’ father Charles Sr. informed of everything that was going on. When Charles Sr. asked what was wrong with Brother Charles, B.H. Roberts told him there was nothing wrong with him except he won’t keep his mouth shut. He won’t quit talking about what he knows.

Brother Charles talks about the period of waiting for his trial before the High Council:

The High Council trial commenced on the 4th day of March 1929 and lasted from 8:00pm until 2:00am. Charles preached “the fullness” to the sixteen men in attendance for about six hours, telling his side of it and answering their questions.

Charles highlights some of the events in the trial:

At this time, Brother Charles was cut off from the Church. The next day Brother Charles met one of the members of the High Council in the grocery store:

It is important to note that we are not judged by what someone else does, we are judged by what we do.

Brother Charles went to the Lord time after time and told him if he had been too harsh or too critical of his leaders that he would be willing to go before the High Council or the Stake Priesthood meeting and ask for their forgiveness.

Charles Kingston Teaches the Native Americans at Washakie

On one occasion around 1933, Brother Charles Kingston had an impression that he should go to Washakie and preach to the Shoshone Native Americans living there.

Charles was living in Idaho Falls at the time but he didn’t have a car. He worked for the railroad and had a pass that allowed him to ride the train without a ticket but the train didn’t stop at Washakie. Charles instead rode from Idaho Falls to Pocatello where he knew a man with a car named Brother Petty.

When he arrived in Pocatello, Charles told Brother Petty, “I feel I should go to Washakie, would you drive me down there?” Brother Petty agreed and drove him down to Washakie from Pocatello.

Washakie is an area just south of Portage, Utah. Although it was not an Indian reservation, there were mostly Native Americans living there. Most of the people who attended church were from the Northwest Shoshone Native American Tribe.

Brother Charles and Brother Petty arrived at the church in Washakie a few minutes before meeting started and found two seats in the back of the chapel. The meeting was a Stake Conference and the men taking charge were white Mormons settlers from around the area.

When they saw Brother Charles and Brother Petty were visitors, the man taking charge invited them to come sit up in the front with him. The man obviously didn’t know Charles, or the things he had been teaching the past few years. He called on both of the men to talk.

Brother Petty talked first, but he didn’t say much. Then they called on Brother Charles.

When Charles spoke, he felt a strong spirit of the Lord come over him and he felt he should preach the fullness of the Gospel including Consecration and Celestial Marriage to the people assembled there. He spoke for some time, and by the time he had finished speaking, the men taking charge were very uncomfortable and squirming in their seats.

When the meeting was over, Brother Charles could see that the people running the meeting did not like the things that he had said, so at the end of closing prayer, he nudged Brother Petty and said, “I think we’d better get our of here.” They hurried out the door to leave.

Before they left, one of the Shoshone men stopped them and told Brother Charles that his talk was one of the most wonderful things he had ever heard. He told Brother Charles that he heard the words in his own language, even though Charles had given the talk in English. The man told Brother Charles, “You should have seen those fellows behind you twisting in their bones.” Referring to how uncomfortable the men were who were taking charge of the meeting. Brother Charles and Brother Petty headed back to Pocatello.

One of the Shoshone men who heard him speak that day was George P. Sam who was a leader among the Shoshone in that area. Travelling to Washakie that day started a friendship and acquaintance that led to George joining the Co-op for a short time in 1935.

The story illustrates the strong characteristics of Brother Charles being able to follow his impressions even if they led him into a difficult spot. Even though he knew the church had rejected the things he was teaching, he continued anyway and gained the acquaintance of the Shoshone people who were receptive to his message and would later play an important part in the Co-op’s history.


Charles was born at Buckingham Palace in London during the reign of his maternal grandfather George VI on 14 November 1948. [14] [15] He was the first child of Princess Elizabeth, Duchess of Edinburgh, and Philip, Duke of Edinburgh (originally Prince Philip of Greece and Denmark), and first grandchild of King George VI and Queen Elizabeth. He was baptised in the palace by the Archbishop of Canterbury, Geoffrey Fisher, on 15 December 1948. [fn 3] The death of his grandfather and the accession of his mother as Queen Elizabeth II in 1952 made Charles her heir apparent. As the monarch's eldest son, he automatically took the titles Duke of Cornwall, Duke of Rothesay, Earl of Carrick, Baron of Renfrew, Lord of the Isles and Prince and Great Steward of Scotland. [17] Charles attended his mother's coronation at Westminster Abbey on 2 June 1953. [18]

As was customary for upper-class children at the time, a governess, Catherine Peebles, was appointed and undertook his education between the ages of five and eight. Buckingham Palace announced in 1955 that Charles would attend school rather than have a private tutor, making him the first heir apparent to be educated in that manner. [19] On 7 November 1956, Charles commenced classes at Hill House School in west London. [20] He did not receive preferential treatment from the school's founder and headmaster, Stuart Townend, who advised the Queen to have Charles train in football because the boys were never deferential to anyone on the football field. [21] Charles then attended two of his father's former schools, Cheam Preparatory School in Berkshire, England, [22] from 1958, [20] followed by Gordonstoun in the north-east of Scotland, [23] beginning classes there in April 1962. [20] Though he reportedly described Gordonstoun, noted for its especially rigorous curriculum, as "Colditz in kilts", [22] Charles subsequently praised Gordonstoun, stating it had taught him "a great deal about myself and my own abilities and disabilities. It taught me to accept challenges and take the initiative." In a 1975 interview, he said he was "glad" he had attended Gordonstoun and that the "toughness of the place" was "much exaggerated". [24] He spent two terms in 1966 at the Timbertop campus of Geelong Grammar School in Victoria, Australia, during which time he visited Papua New Guinea on a school trip with his history tutor, Michael Collins Persse. [25] [26] [27] In 1973, Charles described his time at Timbertop as the most enjoyable part of his whole education. [28] Upon his return to Gordonstoun, Charles emulated his father in becoming Head Boy. He left in 1967, with six GCE O-levels and two A-levels in history and French, at grades B and C respectively. [25] [29] On his early education, Charles later remarked, "I didn't enjoy school as much as I might have, but that was only because I'm happier at home than anywhere else." [24]

Charles broke royal tradition a second time when he proceeded straight to university after his A-levels, rather than joining the British Armed Forces. [22] In October 1967, he was admitted to Trinity College, Cambridge, where he read archaeology and anthropology for the first part of the Tripos, and then changed to history for the second part. [30] [31] [25] During his second year, Charles attended the University College of Wales in Aberystwyth, studying Welsh history and language for a term. [25] He graduated from the University of Cambridge with a 2:2 Bachelor of Arts (BA) degree on 23 June 1970 the first heir apparent to earn a university degree. [25] On 2 August 1975, he was awarded a Master of Arts (MA Cantab) degree by Cambridge: at Cambridge, Master of Arts is an academic rank, not a postgraduate degree. [25]

Charles was created Prince of Wales and Earl of Chester on 26 July 1958, [32] [33] though his investiture was not held until 1 July 1969, when he was crowned by his mother in a televised ceremony held at Caernarfon Castle. [34] He took his seat in the House of Lords in 1970, [35] [36] and he made his maiden speech in June 1974, [37] the first royal to speak from the floor since the future Edward VII in 1884. [38] He spoke again in 1975. [39] Charles began to take on more public duties, founding The Prince's Trust in 1976, [40] and travelling to the United States in 1981. [41] In the mid-1970s, the prince expressed an interest in serving as Governor-General of Australia, at the suggestion of Australian prime minister Malcolm Fraser, but because of a lack of public enthusiasm nothing came of the proposal. [42] Charles commented: "So, what are you supposed to think when you are prepared to do something to help and you are just told you're not wanted?" [43]

Charles is the longest-serving Prince of Wales, having surpassed the record held by Edward VII on 9 September 2017. [3] He is the oldest and longest-serving British heir apparent, the longest-serving Duke of Cornwall, and the longest-serving Duke of Rothesay. [2] If he becomes monarch, he will be the oldest person to do so the current record holder being William IV, who was 64 when he became king in 1830. [44]

Official duties

In 2008, The Daily Telegraph described Charles as the "hardest-working member of the royal family." [45] He carried out 560 official engagements in 2008, [45] 499 in 2010, [46] and over 600 in 2011.

As Prince of Wales, Charles undertakes official duties on behalf of the Queen. He officiates at investitures and attends the funerals of foreign dignitaries. [47] Prince Charles makes regular tours of Wales, fulfilling a week of engagements each summer, and attending important national occasions, such as opening the Senedd. [48] The six trustees of the Royal Collection Trust meet three times a year under his chairmanship. [49] Prince Charles travels abroad on behalf of the United Kingdom. Charles has been regarded as an effective advocate of the country. In 1983, Christopher John Lewis, who had fired a shot with a .22 rifle at the Queen in 1981, attempted to escape a psychiatric hospital in order to assassinate Charles, who was visiting New Zealand with Diana and William. [50] While visiting Australia in January 1994, two shots from a starting pistol were fired at him on Australia Day by David Kang in protest of the treatment of several hundred Cambodian asylum seekers held in detention camps. [51] [52] In 1995, Charles became the first member of the royal family to visit the Republic of Ireland in an official capacity. [53] [54]

In 2000, Charles revived the tradition of the Prince of Wales having an official harpist, in order to foster Welsh talent at playing the harp, the national instrument of Wales. He and the Duchess of Cornwall also spend one week each year in Scotland, where he is patron of several Scottish organisations. [55] His service to the Canadian Armed Forces permits him to be informed of troop activities, and allows him to visit these troops while in Canada or overseas, taking part in ceremonial occasions. [56] For instance, in 2001 he placed a specially commissioned wreath, made from vegetation taken from French battlefields, at the Canadian Tomb of the Unknown Soldier, [57] and in 1981 he became the patron of the Canadian Warplane Heritage Museum. [58] At the funeral of Pope John Paul II in 2005, Charles unintentionally caused controversy when he shook hands with Robert Mugabe, the President of Zimbabwe, who had been seated next to him. Charles's office subsequently released a statement saying: "The Prince of Wales was caught by surprise and not in a position to avoid shaking Mr Mugabe's hand. The Prince finds the current Zimbabwean regime abhorrent. He has supported the Zimbabwe Defence and Aid Fund, which works with those being oppressed by the regime. The Prince also recently met Pius Ncube, the Archbishop of Bulawayo, an outspoken critic of the government." [59] In November 2001, Charles was struck in the face with three red carnations by teenager Alina Lebedeva, whilst he was on an official visit to Latvia. [60]

In 2010, Charles represented the Queen at the opening ceremony of the 2010 Commonwealth Games in Delhi, India. [61] He attends official events in the United Kingdom in support of Commonwealth countries, such as the Christchurch earthquake memorial service at Westminster Abbey in 2011. [62] [63] [64] From 15 to 17 November 2013, he represented the Queen for the first time at a Commonwealth Heads of Government Meeting, in Colombo, Sri Lanka. [65] [66]

Letters sent by Prince Charles to government ministers during 2004 and 2005 – the so-called black spider memos – presented potential embarrassment following a challenge by The Guardian newspaper to release the letters under the Freedom of Information Act 2000. In March 2015, the Supreme Court of the United Kingdom decided that the Prince's letters must be released. [67] The letters were published by the Cabinet Office on 13 May 2015. [68] [69] [70] Reaction to the memos upon their release was largely supportive of Charles, with little criticism of him. [71] The memos were variously described in the press as "underwhelming" [72] and "harmless" [73] and that their release had "backfired on those who seek to belittle him", [74] with reaction from the public also supportive. [75]

The Prince of Wales and the Duchess of Cornwall made their first joint trip to the Republic of Ireland in May 2015. The trip was called an important step in "promoting peace and reconciliation" by the British Embassy. [76] During the trip, Charles shook hands with Sinn Féin and supposed IRA leader Gerry Adams in Galway, which was described by the media as a "historic handshake" and a "significant moment for Anglo-Irish relations". [77] [78] [79] In the run up to the Prince's visit, two Irish republican dissidents were arrested for planning a bomb attack. Semtex and rockets were found at the Dublin home of suspect Donal O'Coisdealbha, member of a self-styled Óglaigh na hÉireann organisation, who was later jailed for five and a half years. [80] He was connected to a veteran republican, Seamus McGrane of County Louth, a member of the Real IRA, who was jailed for 11 and a half years. [81] [82] In 2015, it was revealed that Prince Charles had access to confidential UK cabinet papers. [83]

Charles has made frequent visits to Saudi Arabia in order to promote arms exports for companies such as BAE Systems. In 2013, [84] 2014, [85] and 2015, [86] he met with the commander of Saudi Arabia's National Guard Mutaib bin Abdullah. In February 2014, he took part in a traditional sword dance with members of the Saudi royal family at the Janariyah festival in Riyadh. [87] At the same festival, British arms company BAE Systems was honoured by Prince Salman bin Abdulaziz. [88] Charles was criticised by Scottish MP Margaret Ferrier in 2016 over his role in the sale of Typhoon fighter jets to Saudi Arabia. [89] According to Charles's biographer Catherine Mayer, a Time magazine journalist who claims to have interviewed several sources from Prince Charles's inner circle, he "doesn't like being used to market weaponry" in deals with Saudi Arabia and other Arab Gulf states. According to Mayer, Charles has only raised his objections to being used to sell weapons abroad in private. [90] Commonwealth heads of government decided at their 2018 meeting that the Prince of Wales will be the next Head of the Commonwealth after the Queen. The head is chosen and therefore not hereditary. [91]

On 7 March 2019, the Queen hosted a Buckingham Palace event to mark the 50th anniversary of Charles's investiture as the Prince of Wales. Guests at the event included the Duchess of Cornwall, the Duke and Duchess of Cambridge, the Duke and Duchess of Sussex, Prime Minister Theresa May and Welsh First Minister Mark Drakeford. [92] The same month, at the request of the British government, the Prince of Wales and the Duchess of Cornwall went on an official tour to Cuba, making them the first British royalty to visit the country. The tour was seen as effort to form a closer relationship between the UK and Cuba. [93]


On 25 March 2020, Charles tested positive for coronavirus, during the COVID-19 pandemic after showing mild symptoms for days. He and Camilla subsequently self-isolated at their Birkhall residence. Camilla was also tested, but had a negative result. [94] [95] [96] Clarence House stated that he showed mild symptoms but "remains in good health". They further stated, "It is not possible to ascertain from whom the prince caught the virus owing to the high number of engagements he carried out in his public role during recent weeks." [95] Several newspapers were critical that Charles and Camilla were tested promptly at a time when some NHS doctors, nurses and patients had been unable to get tested expeditiously. [97] [98] On 30 March 2020, Clarence House announced that Charles had recovered from the virus, and he was out of the government-advised seven-day isolation after consulting with his doctor. [99] [100] Two days later, he stated in a video that he would continue to practice isolation and social distancing. [101] In February 2021, Charles and Camilla got their first dose of vaccine. [102]

Charles served in the Royal Air Force and, following in the footsteps of his father, grandfather and two of his great-grandfathers, in the Royal Navy. During his second year at Cambridge, he requested and received Royal Air Force training. On 8 March 1971, he flew himself to the Royal Air Force College Cranwell to train as a jet pilot. [103] After the passing-out parade that September, he embarked on a naval career and enrolled in a six-week course at the Royal Naval College Dartmouth. He then served on the guided-missile destroyer HMS Norfolk (1971–1972) and the frigates HMS Minerva (1972–1973) and HMS Jupiter (1974). In 1974, he qualified as a helicopter pilot at RNAS Yeovilton, and then joined 845 Naval Air Squadron, operating from HMS Hermes. [104]

On 9 February 1976, Charles took command of the coastal minehunter HMS Bronington for his last ten months of active service in the navy. [104] He learned to fly on a Chipmunk basic pilot trainer, a BAC Jet Provost jet trainer, and a Beagle Basset multi-engine trainer he then regularly flew the Hawker Siddeley Andover, Westland Wessex and BAe 146 aircraft of The Queen's Flight [105] until he gave up flying after crashing the BAe 146 in the Hebrides in 1994. [106] [107]

Philanthropy and charity

Since founding The Prince's Trust in 1976, Charles has established 16 more charitable organisations, and now serves as president of all of those. [108] Together, these form a loose alliance called The Prince's Charities, which describes itself as "the largest multi-cause charitable enterprise in the United Kingdom, raising over £100 million annually . [and is] active across a broad range of areas including education and young people, environmental sustainability, the built environment, responsible business and enterprise and international." [108]

In 2010, The Prince's Charities Canada was established in a similar fashion to its namesake in the UK. [109] Charles is also patron of over 400 other charities and organisations. [110] He uses his tours of Canada as a way to help draw attention to youth, the disabled, the environment, the arts, medicine, the elderly, heritage conservation, and education. [111] In Canada, Charles has supported humanitarian projects. Along with his two sons, he took part in ceremonies that marked the 1998 International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination. [111] Charles has also set up The Prince's Charities Australia, which is based in Melbourne, Victoria. The Prince's Charities Australia is to provide a coordinating presence for the Prince of Wales's Australian and international charitable endeavours [112]

Charles was one of the first world leaders to express strong concerns about the human rights record of Romanian dictator Nicolae Ceaușescu, initiating objections in the international arena, [113] and subsequently supported the FARA Foundation, [110] a charity for Romanian orphans and abandoned children. [114] In 2013, Charles donated an unspecified sum of money to the British Red Cross Syria Crisis appeal and DEC Syria appeal, which is run by 14 British charities to help victims of the Syrian civil war. [115] [116] According to The Guardian, It is believed that after turning 65 years old in 2013, Charles donated his state pension to an unnamed charity that supports elderly people. [117] In March 2014, Charles arranged for five million measles-rubella vaccinations for children in the Philippines on the outbreak of measles in South-East Asia. According to Clarence House, Charles was affected by news of the damage caused by Typhoon Yolanda in 2013. International Health Partners, of which he has been Patron since 2004, sent the vaccines, which are believed to protect five million children below the age of five from measles. [118] [119]

In January 2020, the Prince of Wales became the first British patron of the International Rescue Committee, a charity which aims to help refugees and those displaced by war, persecution, or natural disaster. [120] In May 2020, the Prince of Wales's Sustainable Markets Initiative and the World Economic Forum launched the Great Reset project, a five-point plan concerned with enhancing sustainable economic growth following the global recession caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. [121] In April 2021 and following a surge in COVID-19 cases in India, Charles issued a statement, announcing the launch of an emergency appeal for India by the British Asian Trust, of which he is the founder. The appeal, called Oxygen for India, helped with buying oxygen concentrators for hospitals in need. [122]

Built environment

The Prince of Wales has openly expressed his views on architecture and urban planning he fostered the advancement of New Classical Architecture and asserted that he "care[s] deeply about issues such as the environment, architecture, inner-city renewal, and the quality of life." [123] [124] In a speech given for the 150th anniversary of the Royal Institute of British Architects (RIBA) on 30 May 1984, he memorably described a proposed extension to the National Gallery in London as a "monstrous carbuncle on the face of a much-loved friend" and deplored the "glass stumps and concrete towers" of modern architecture. [125] He asserted that "it is possible, and important in human terms, to respect old buildings, street plans and traditional scales and at the same time not to feel guilty about a preference for facades, ornaments and soft materials," [125] called for local community involvement in architectural choices, and asked:

Why can't we have those curves and arches that express feeling in design? What is wrong with them? Why has everything got to be vertical, straight, unbending, only at right angles – and functional? [125]

His book and BBC documentary A Vision of Britain (1987) was also critical of modern architecture, and he has continued to campaign for traditional urbanism, human scale, restoration of historic buildings, and sustainable design, [126] despite criticism in the press. Two of his charities (The Prince's Regeneration Trust and The Prince's Foundation for Building Community) promote his views, and the village of Poundbury was built on land owned by the Duchy of Cornwall to a master plan by Léon Krier under the guidance of Prince Charles and in line with his philosophy. [123]

Charles helped establish a national trust for the built environment in Canada after lamenting, in 1996, the unbridled destruction of many of the country's historic urban cores. He offered his assistance to the Department of Canadian Heritage in creating a trust modelled on Britain's National Trust, a plan that was implemented with the passage of the 2007 Canadian federal budget. [127] In 1999, the Prince agreed to the use of his title for the Prince of Wales Prize for Municipal Heritage Leadership, awarded by the Heritage Canada Foundation to municipal governments that have shown sustained commitment to the conservation of historic places. [128] While visiting the United States and surveying the damage caused by Hurricane Katrina, Charles received the National Building Museum's Vincent Scully Prize in 2005, for his efforts in regard to architecture he donated $25,000 of the prize money towards restoring storm-damaged communities. [129] [130]

From 1997, the Prince of Wales has visited Romania to view and highlight the destruction of Orthodox monasteries and Transylvanian Saxon villages during the Communist rule of Nicolae Ceaușescu. [131] [132] [133] Charles is patron of the Mihai Eminescu Trust, a Romanian conservation and regeneration organisation, [134] and has purchased a house in Romania. [135] Historian Tom Gallagher wrote in the Romanian newspaper România Liberă in 2006 that Charles had been offered the Romanian throne by monarchists in that country an offer that was reportedly turned down, [136] but Buckingham Palace denied the reports. [137] Charles also has "a deep understanding of Islamic art and architecture", and has been involved in the construction of a building and garden at the Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies that combine Islamic and Oxford architectural styles. [138]

Charles has occasionally intervened in projects that employ architectural styles such as modernism and functionalism. [139] [140] [141] In 2009, Charles wrote to the Qatari royal family, the developers of the Chelsea Barracks site, labelling Lord Rogers's design for the site "unsuitable". Subsequently, Rogers was removed from the project and The Prince's Foundation for the Built Environment was appointed to propose an alternative. [142] Rogers claimed the Prince had also intervened to block his designs for the Royal Opera House and Paternoster Square, and condemned Charles's actions as "an abuse of power" and "unconstitutional". [142] Lord Foster, Zaha Hadid, Jacques Herzog, Jean Nouvel, Renzo Piano, and Frank Gehry, among others, wrote a letter to The Sunday Times complaining that the Prince's "private comments" and "behind-the-scenes lobbying" subverted the "open and democratic planning process". [143] Piers Gough and other architects condemned Charles's views as "elitist" in a letter encouraging colleagues to boycott a speech given by Charles to RIBA in 2009. [139] [141]

In 2010, The Prince's Foundation for the Built Environment decided to help reconstruct and redesign buildings in Port-au-Prince, Haiti after the capital was destroyed by the 2010 Haiti earthquake. [144] The foundation is known for refurbishing historic buildings in Kabul, Afghanistan and in Kingston, Jamaica. The project has been called the "biggest challenge yet" for the Prince's Foundation for the Built Environment. [145] For his work as patron of New Classical Architecture, in 2012 he was awarded the Driehaus Architecture Prize for patronage. The prize, awarded by the University of Notre Dame, is considered the highest architecture award for New Classical Architecture and urban planning. [146]

Livery company commitments

The Worshipful Company of Carpenters installed Charles as an Honorary Liveryman "in recognition of his interest in London's architecture." [147] The Prince of Wales is also Permanent Master of the Worshipful Company of Shipwrights, a Freeman of the Worshipful Company of Drapers, an Honorary Freeman of the Worshipful Company of Musicians, an Honorary Member of the Court of Assistants of the Worshipful Company of Goldsmiths, and a Royal Liveryman of the Worshipful Company of Gardeners. [148]

Natural environment

Since the early 1980s, Charles has promoted environmental awareness. [149] Upon moving into Highgrove House, he developed an interest in organic farming, which culminated in the 1990 launch of his own organic brand, Duchy Originals, [150] which now sells more than 200 different sustainably produced products, from food to garden furniture the profits (over £6 million by 2010) are donated to The Prince's Charities. [150] [151] Documenting work on his estate, Charles co-authored (with Charles Clover, environment editor of The Daily Telegraph) Highgrove: An Experiment in Organic Gardening and Farming, published in 1993, and offers his patronage to Garden Organic. Along similar lines, the Prince of Wales became involved with farming and various industries within it, regularly meeting with farmers to discuss their trade. Although the 2001 foot-and-mouth epidemic in England prevented Charles from visiting organic farms in Saskatchewan, he met the farmers at Assiniboia town hall. [152] [153] In 2004, he founded the Mutton Renaissance Campaign, which aims to support British sheep farmers and make mutton more attractive to Britons. [154] His organic farming has attracted media criticism: According to The Independent in October 2006, "the story of Duchy Originals has involved compromises and ethical blips, wedded to a determined merchandising programme." [155]

In 2007, he received the 10th annual Global Environmental Citizen Award from the Harvard Medical School's Center for Health and the Global Environment, the director of which, Eric Chivian, stated: "For decades the Prince of Wales has been a champion of the natural world . He has been a world leader in efforts to improve energy efficiency and in reducing the discharge of toxic substances on land, and into the air and the oceans". [156] Charles's travels by private jet drew criticism from Plane Stupid's Joss Garman. [157] [158] In 2007, Charles launched The Prince's May Day Network, which encourages businesses to take action on climate change. Speaking to the European Parliament on 14 February 2008, he called for European Union leadership in the war against climate change. During the standing ovation that followed, Nigel Farage, the leader of the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), remained seated and went on to describe Charles's advisers as "naive and foolish at best." [159] In a speech to the Low Carbon Prosperity Summit in a European Parliament chamber on 9 February 2011, Charles said that climate change sceptics are playing "a reckless game of roulette" with the planet's future and are having a "corrosive effect" on public opinion. He also articulated the need to protect fisheries and the Amazon rain forest, and to make low-carbon emissions affordable and competitive. [160] In 2011, Charles received the Royal Society for the Protection of Birds Medal for his engagement with the environment, such as the conservation of rainforests. [161]

On 27 August 2012, the Prince of Wales addressed the International Union for Conservation of Nature – World Conservation Congress, supporting the view that grazing animals are needed to keep soils and grassland productive:

I have been particularly fascinated, for example, by the work of a remarkable man called Allan Savory, in Zimbabwe and other semi arid areas, who has argued for years against the prevailing expert view that is the simple numbers of cattle that drive overgrazing and cause fertile land to become desert. On the contrary, as he has since shown so graphically, the land needs the presence of feeding animals and their droppings for the cycle to be complete, so that soils and grassland areas stay productive. Such that, if you take grazers off the land and lock them away in vast feedlots, the land dies. [162]

In February 2014, Charles visited the Somerset levels to meet residents affected by winter flooding. During his visit, Charles remarked that "There's nothing like a jolly good disaster to get people to start doing something. The tragedy is that nothing happened for so long." He pledged a £50,000 donation, provided by the Prince's Countryside Fund, to help families and businesses. [163] [164] [165] In August 2019, it was announced that the Prince of Wales had collaborated with British fashion designers Vin and Omi to produce a line of clothing made out of nettles found in his Highgrove estate. Nettles are a type of plants which are usually "perceived to have no value". The Highgrove plant waste was also used to create the jewellery worn with the dresses. [166] In September 2020, the Prince of Wales launched RE:TV, an online platform featuring short films and articles on issues such as climate change and sustainability. He serves as the platform's editor-in-chief. [167] In January 2021, Charles launched Terra Carta ("Earth Charter"), a sustainable finance charter that would ask its signatories to follow a set of rules towards becoming more sustainable and make investments in projects and causes that help with preserving the environment. [168] [169] In June 2021, he attended a reception hosted by the Queen during the 47th G7 summit, and a meeting beween G7 leaders and sustainable industry CEOs to discuss governmental and corporate solutions to environmental problems. [170]

Alternative medicine

Charles has controversially championed alternative medicine. [171] The Prince's Foundation for Integrated Health attracted opposition from the scientific and medical community over its campaign encouraging general practitioners to offer herbal and other alternative treatments to National Health Service patients, [172] [173] and in May 2006, Charles made a speech at the World Health Assembly in Geneva, urging the integration of conventional and alternative medicine and arguing for homeopathy. [174] [9]

In April 2008, The Times published a letter from Edzard Ernst, Professor of Complementary Medicine at the University of Exeter, which asked the Prince's Foundation to recall two guides promoting alternative medicine, saying "the majority of alternative therapies appear to be clinically ineffective, and many are downright dangerous." A speaker for the foundation countered the criticism by stating: "We entirely reject the accusation that our online publication Complementary Healthcare: A Guide contains any misleading or inaccurate claims about the benefits of complementary therapies. On the contrary, it treats people as adults and takes a responsible approach by encouraging people to look at reliable sources of information . so that they can make informed decisions. The foundation does not promote complementary therapies." [175] That year, Ernst published a book with Simon Singh, mockingly dedicated to "HRH the Prince of Wales", called Trick or Treatment: Alternative Medicine on Trial. The last chapter is highly critical of Charles's advocacy of complementary and alternative treatments. [176]

The Prince's Duchy Originals produce a variety of complementary medicinal products including a "Detox Tincture" that Edzard Ernst has denounced as "financially exploiting the vulnerable" and "outright quackery". [177] In 2009, the Advertising Standards Authority criticised an email that Duchy Originals had sent out to advertise its Echina-Relief, Hyperi-Lift and Detox Tinctures products saying that it was misleading. [177] The Prince personally wrote at least seven letters [178] to the Medicines and Healthcare products Regulatory Agency (MHRA) shortly before they relaxed the rules governing labelling of such herbal products, a move that has been widely condemned by scientists and medical bodies. [179] In October 2009, it was reported that Charles had personally lobbied the Health Secretary, Andy Burnham, regarding greater provision of alternative treatments in the NHS. [177] In 2016, Charles said in a speech that he used homeopathic veterinary medicines to reduce antibiotic use at his farm. [180]

In Ernst's book More Good Than Harm? The Moral Maze of Complementary and Alternative Medicine, he and ethicist Kevin Smith call Charles "foolish and immoral", and "conclude that it is not possible to practice alternative medicine ethically". Ernst further claims that the private secretary of the Prince contacted the vice chancellor of Exeter University to investigate Ernst's complaints against the "Smallwood Report", which the Prince had commissioned in 2005. While Ernst was "found not to be guilty of any wrong-doing, all local support at Exeter stopped, which eventually led to my early retirement." [181]

In April 2010, following accounting irregularities, a former official at the Prince's Foundation and his wife were arrested for fraud believed to total £300,000. [182] Four days later, the foundation announced its closure, claiming that it "has achieved its key objective of promoting the use of integrated health." [183] The charity's finance director, accountant George Gray, was convicted of theft totalling £253,000 and sentenced to three years in prison. [184] The Prince's Foundation was re-branded and re-launched later in 2010 as The College of Medicine. [184] [185] [186]

Religious and philosophical interests

Prince Charles was confirmed at age 16 by Archbishop of Canterbury Michael Ramsey at Easter 1965, in St George's Chapel, Windsor Castle. [187] He attends services at various Anglican churches close to Highgrove, [188] and attends the Church of Scotland's Crathie Kirk with the rest of the royal family when staying at Balmoral Castle. In 2000, he was appointed as Lord High Commissioner to the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland. Charles has visited (amid some secrecy) Orthodox monasteries several times on Mount Athos [189] as well as in Romania. [131] Charles is also patron of the Oxford Centre for Islamic Studies at the University of Oxford, and in the 2000s, he inaugurated the Markfield Institute of Higher Education, which is dedicated to Islamic studies in a plural multicultural context. [138] [190] [191]

Sir Laurens van der Post became a friend of Charles in 1977 he was dubbed his "spiritual guru" and was godfather to Charles's son, Prince William. [192] From van der Post, Prince Charles developed a focus on philosophy and interest in other religions. [193] Charles expressed his philosophical views in his 2010 book, Harmony: A New Way of Looking at Our World, [194] [195] [196] which won a Nautilus Book Award. [197] In November 2016, he attended the consecration of St Thomas Cathedral, Acton, to be Britain's first Syriac Orthodox Cathedral. [198] In October 2019, he attended the canonisation of Cardinal Newman. [199] Charles visited Eastern Church leaders in Jerusalem in January 2020 culminating in an ecumenical service in the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem, after which he walked through that city accompanied by Christian and Muslim dignitaries. [200] [201]

Although it had been rumoured that Charles would vow to be "Defender of the Faiths" or "Defender of Faith" as king, he stated in 2015 that he would retain the monarch's traditional title of "Defender of the Faith", whilst "ensuring that other people's faiths can also be practised", which he sees as a duty of the Church of England. [202]


In his youth, Charles was amorously linked to a number of women. His great-uncle Lord Mountbatten advised him:

In a case like yours, the man should sow his wild oats and have as many affairs as he can before settling down, but for a wife he should choose a suitable, attractive, and sweet-charactered girl before she has met anyone else she might fall for . It is disturbing for women to have experiences if they have to remain on a pedestal after marriage. [203]

Charles's girlfriends included Georgiana Russell, the daughter of Sir John Russell, who was British ambassador to Spain [204] Lady Jane Wellesley, the daughter of the 8th Duke of Wellington [205] Davina Sheffield [206] Lady Sarah Spencer [207] and Camilla Shand, [208] who later became his second wife and Duchess of Cornwall. [209]

Early in 1974, Mountbatten began corresponding with Charles about a potential marriage to Amanda Knatchbull, who was Mountbatten's granddaughter. [210] [211] Charles wrote to Amanda's mother—Lady Brabourne, who was also his godmother—expressing interest in her daughter, to which she replied approvingly, though she suggested that a courtship with the not yet 17-year-old girl was premature. [212] Four years later, Mountbatten arranged for Amanda and himself to accompany Charles on his 1980 tour of India. Both fathers, however, objected Philip feared that Charles would be eclipsed by his famous uncle (who had served as the last British Viceroy and first Governor-General of India), while Lord Brabourne warned that a joint visit would concentrate media attention on the cousins before they could decide on becoming a couple. [213] However, in August 1979, before Charles would depart alone for India, Mountbatten was killed by the IRA. When Charles returned, he proposed to Amanda, but in addition to her grandfather, she had lost her paternal grandmother and youngest brother Nicholas in the bomb attack and was now reluctant to join the royal family. [213] In June 1980, Charles officially turned down Chevening House, placed at his disposal since 1974, as his future residence. Chevening, a stately home in Kent, was bequeathed, along with an endowment, to the Crown by the last Earl Stanhope, Amanda's childless great-uncle, in the hope that Charles would eventually occupy it. [214] In 1977, a newspaper report mistakenly announced his engagement to Princess Marie-Astrid of Luxembourg. [215]


Marriage to Lady Diana Spencer

Charles first met Lady Diana Spencer in 1977 while he was visiting her home, Althorp. He was the companion of her elder sister, Sarah, and did not consider Diana romantically until mid-1980. While Charles and Diana were sitting together on a bale of hay at a friend's barbecue in July, she mentioned that he had looked forlorn and in need of care at the funeral of his granduncle Lord Mountbatten. Soon, according to Charles's chosen biographer, Jonathan Dimbleby, "without any apparent surge in feeling, he began to think seriously of her as a potential bride", and she accompanied Charles on visits to Balmoral Castle and Sandringham House. [216]

Charles's cousin Norton Knatchbull and his wife told Charles that Diana appeared awestruck by his position and that he did not seem to be in love with her. [217] Meanwhile, the couple's continuing courtship attracted intense attention from the press and paparazzi. When Prince Philip told him that the media speculation would injure Diana's reputation if Charles did not come to a decision about marrying her soon, and realising that she was a suitable royal bride (according to Mountbatten's criteria), Charles construed his father's advice as a warning to proceed without further delay. [218]

Prince Charles proposed to Diana in February 1981 she accepted and they married in St Paul's Cathedral on 29 July of that year. Upon his marriage, Charles reduced his voluntary tax contribution from the profits generated by the Duchy of Cornwall from 50% to 25%. [219] The couple lived at Kensington Palace and at Highgrove House, near Tetbury, and had two children: Princes William (b. 1982) and Henry (known as "Harry") (b. 1984). Charles set a precedent by being the first royal father to be present at his children's births. [19]

Within five years, the marriage was in trouble due to the couple's incompatibility and near 13-year age difference. [220] [221] In a videotape recorded by Peter Settelen in 1992, Diana admitted that by 1986, she had been "deeply in love with someone who worked in this environment." [222] [223] It is thought she was referring to Barry Mannakee, [224] who was transferred to the Diplomatic Protection Squad in 1986 after his managers had determined that his relationship with Diana had been inappropriate. [223] [225] Diana later commenced a relationship with Major James Hewitt, the family's former riding instructor. [226] Charles and Diana's evident discomfort in each other's company led to them being dubbed "The Glums" by the press. [227] Diana exposed Charles's affair with Camilla in a book by Andrew Morton, Diana, Her True Story. Audio tapes of her own extramarital flirtations also surfaced. [227] Persistent suggestions that Hewitt is Prince Harry's father have been based on a physical similarity between Hewitt and Harry. However, Harry had already been born by the time Diana's affair with Hewitt began. [228] [229]

Legal separation and divorce

In December 1992, British Prime Minister John Major announced the couple's legal separation in Parliament. Earlier that year, the British press had published transcripts of a passionate bugged telephone conversation between Charles and Camilla from 1989. [230] [231] Prince Charles sought public understanding in a television film, Charles: The Private Man, the Public Role, with Jonathan Dimbleby that was broadcast on 29 June 1994. In an interview in the film, he confirmed his own extramarital affair with Camilla, saying that he had rekindled their association in 1986 only after his marriage to Diana had "irretrievably broken down". [232] [233] [234] Charles and Diana divorced on 28 August 1996. [235] Diana was killed in a car crash in Paris on 31 August of the following year Charles flew to Paris with Diana's sisters to accompany her body back to Britain. [236]

Marriage to Camilla Parker Bowles

The engagement of Charles and Camilla Parker Bowles was announced on 10 February 2005 he presented her with an engagement ring that had belonged to his grandmother. [237] The Queen's consent to the marriage (as required by the Royal Marriages Act 1772) was recorded in a Privy Council meeting on 2 March. [238] In Canada, the Department of Justice announced its decision that the Queen's Privy Council for Canada was not required to meet to give its consent to the marriage, as the union would not result in offspring and would have no impact on the succession to the Canadian throne. [239]

Charles was the only member of the royal family to have a civil rather than a church wedding in England. Government documents from the 1950s and 1960s, published by the BBC, stated that such a marriage was illegal, [240] though these were dismissed by Charles's spokesman, [241] and explained to be obsolete by the sitting government. [242]

The marriage was scheduled to take place in a civil ceremony at Windsor Castle, with a subsequent religious blessing at St George's Chapel. The venue was subsequently changed to Windsor Guildhall, because a civil marriage at Windsor Castle would oblige the venue to be available to anyone who wished to be married there. Four days before the wedding, it was postponed from the originally scheduled date of 8 April until the following day in order to allow Charles and some of the invited dignitaries to attend the funeral of Pope John Paul II. [243]

Charles's parents did not attend the civil marriage ceremony the Queen's reluctance to attend possibly arose from her position as Supreme Governor of the Church of England. [244] The Queen and Duke of Edinburgh did attend the service of blessing and later held a reception for the newlyweds at Windsor Castle. [245] The blessing, by the Archbishop of Canterbury, Rowan Williams, at St George's Chapel, Windsor Castle, was televised. [246]


From his youth until 1992, Prince Charles was an avid player of competitive polo. He continued to play informally, including for charity, until 2005. [247] Charles also frequently took part in fox hunting until the sport was banned in the United Kingdom in 2005. By the late 1990s, opposition to the activity was growing when Charles's participation was viewed as a "political statement" by those who were opposed to it. The League Against Cruel Sports launched an attack against Charles after he took his sons on the Beaufort Hunt in 1999. At that time, the government was trying to ban hunting with hounds. [248] [249]

Charles has been a keen salmon angler since youth and supports Orri Vigfússon's efforts to protect the North Atlantic salmon. He frequently fishes the River Dee in Aberdeenshire, Scotland, while he claims his most special angling memories are from his time in Vopnafjörður, Iceland. [250] Charles is a supporter of Burnley Football Club. [251]

Visual, performing and contemporary arts

Prince Charles is president or patron of more than 20 performing arts organisations, which include the Royal College of Music, the Royal Opera, the English Chamber Orchestra, the Philharmonia Orchestra, Welsh National Opera, and the Purcell School. In 2000, he revived the tradition of appointing harpists to the Royal Court, by appointing an Official Harpist to the Prince of Wales. As an undergraduate at Cambridge he played cello, and has sung with the Bach Choir twice. [252] Charles founded The Prince's Foundation for Children and The Arts in 2002, to help more children experience the arts first-hand. He is president of the Royal Shakespeare Company and attends performances in Stratford-Upon-Avon, supports fundraising events and attends the company's annual general meeting. [252] He enjoys comedy, [253] and is interested in illusionism, becoming a member of The Magic Circle after passing his audition in 1975 by performing the "cups and balls" effect. [254]

Charles is a keen and accomplished watercolourist who has exhibited and sold a number of his works and also published books on the subject. In 2001, 20 lithographs of his watercolour paintings illustrating his country estates were exhibited at the Florence International Biennale of Contemporary Art. [255] He is Honorary President of the Royal Academy of Arts Development Trust. [256]

Charles was awarded the 2011 Montblanc de la Culture Arts Patronage Award by the Montblanc Cultural Foundation for his support and commitment to the arts, particularly in regard to young people. [257] On 23 April 2016, Charles appeared in a comedy sketch for the Royal Shakespeare Company's Shakespeare Live! at the Royal Shakespeare Theatre, to commemorate the 400th anniversary of William Shakespeare's death in 1616. The event was televised live by the BBC. Charles made a surprise entrance to settle the disputed delivery of Hamlet's celebrated line, "To be or not to be, that is the question". [258]


Prince Charles is an author of several books that reflect his own interests. He has also contributed a foreword or preface to books by other writers and has also written, presented and has been featured in documentary films. [259] [260] [261] [262]

Since his birth, Prince Charles has received close media attention, which increased as he matured. It has been an ambivalent relationship, largely impacted by his marriages to Diana and Camilla and its aftermath, but also centred on his future conduct as king, such as the 2014 play King Charles III. [263]

Described as the "world's most eligible bachelor" in the late 1970s, [264] Prince Charles was subsequently overshadowed by Diana. [265] After her death, the media regularly breached Charles's privacy and printed exposés.

In 2006, the prince filed a court case against the Mail on Sunday, after excerpts of his personal journals were published, revealing his opinions on matters such as the transfer of sovereignty of Hong Kong to China in 1997, in which Charles described the Chinese government officials as "appalling old waxworks". [266] Mark Bolland, his ex-private secretary, declared in a statement to the High Court that Charles "would readily embrace the political aspects of any contentious issue he was interested in . He carried it out in a very considered, thoughtful and researched way. He often referred to himself as a 'dissident' working against the prevailing political consensus." [266] Jonathan Dimbleby reported that the prince "has accumulated a number of certainties about the state of the world and does not relish contradiction." [267]

Other people who were formerly connected with the prince have betrayed his confidence. An ex-member of his household handed the press an internal memo in which Charles commented on ambition and opportunity, and which was widely interpreted as blaming meritocracy for creating a combative atmosphere in society. Charles responded: "In my view, it is just as great an achievement to be a plumber or a bricklayer as it is to be a lawyer or a doctor". [268]

In 2012, Charles met backlash for his long-standing association with sex offender Jimmy Savile. He met Savile through mutual charity interests, and later consulted him as a confidant and adviser. [269] His work with Stoke Mandeville Hospital also made Savile a suitable figure to whom the Prince could turn "for advice on navigating Britain's health authorities". [270] Dickie Arbiter, the spokesman for the Queen between 1988 and 2000, said that during his regular visits to Charles's office at St James's Palace, Savile would "do the rounds of the young ladies taking their hands and rubbing his lips all the way up their arms", though no record of any assistants making a complaint exists. [269] Charles met Savile on several occasions. In 1999 he visited Savile's Glen Coe home for a private meal. [269] He reportedly sent him gifts on his 80th birthday and a note reading: "Nobody will ever know what you have done for this country, Jimmy. This is to go some way in thanking you for that". [269]

Reaction to press treatment

Charles's anguish was recorded in his private comments to Prince William, caught on a microphone during a press photo-call in 2005 and published in the national press. After a question from the BBC's royal correspondent, Nicholas Witchell, Charles muttered: "These bloody people. I can't bear that man. I mean, he's so awful, he really is." [271]

In 2002, Charles, "so often a target of the press, got his chance to return fire" when addressing "scores of editors, publishers and other media executives" gathered at St Bride's Fleet Street to celebrate 300 years of journalism. [272] [273] Defending public servants from "the corrosive drip of constant criticism", he noted that the press had been "awkward, cantankerous, cynical, bloody-minded, at times intrusive, at times inaccurate and at times deeply unfair and harmful to individuals and to institutions." [273] But, he concluded, regarding his own relations with the press, "from time to time we are probably both a bit hard on each other, exaggerating the downsides and ignoring the good points in each." [273]

Guest appearances on television

The Prince of Wales has occasionally appeared on television. In 1984, he read his children's book The Old Man of Lochnagar for the BBC's Jackanory series. The UK soap opera Coronation Street featured an appearance by Charles during the show's 40th anniversary in 2000, [274] as did the New Zealand young adult cartoon series bro'Town (2005), after he attended a performance by the show's creators during a tour of the country. [275] [276] Charles was interviewed with Princes William and Harry by Ant & Dec to mark the 30th anniversary of The Prince's Trust in 2006 [277] and in 2016 was interviewed by them again along with his sons and the Duchess of Cornwall to mark the 40th anniversary. [278]

His saving of the Scottish stately home Dumfries House was the subject of Alan Titchmarsh's documentary Royal Restoration, which aired on TV in May 2012. [279] Also in May 2012, Charles tried his hand at being a weather presenter for the BBC, reporting the forecast for Scotland as part of their annual week at Holyrood Palace alongside Christopher Blanchett. He injected humour in his report, asking, "Who the hell wrote this script?" as references were made to royal residences. [280] In December 2015, Channel 4 News revealed that interviews with Charles were subject to a contract that restricts questions to those previously approved, and gives his staff oversight of editing and the right to "remove the contribution in its entirety from the programme". Channel 4 News decided not to proceed with an interview on this basis, which some journalists believed would put them at risk of breaching the Ofcom Broadcasting Code on editorial independence and transparency. [281]

Clarence House, previously the residence of Queen Elizabeth The Queen Mother, is Charles's official London residence. [282] His primary source of income is generated from the Duchy of Cornwall, which owns 133,658 acres of land (around 54,090 hectares), including farming, residential, and commercial properties, as well as an investment portfolio. Highgrove House in Gloucestershire is owned by the Duchy of Cornwall, having been purchased for his use in 1980, and which Prince Charles rents for £336,000 per annum. [283] The Public Accounts Committee published its 25th report into the Duchy of Cornwall accounts in November 2013 noting that the duchy performed well in 2012–13, increasing its total income and producing an overall surplus of £19.1 million. [284]

In 2007, the prince purchased a 192-acre property (150 acres of grazing and parkland, and 40 acres of woodland) in Carmarthenshire, and applied for permission to convert the farm into a Welsh home for him and the Duchess of Cornwall, to be rented out as holiday flats when the couple is not in residence. [285] A neighbouring family said the proposals flouted local planning regulations, and the application was put on hold temporarily while a report was drafted on how the alterations would affect the local bat population. [286] Charles and Camilla first stayed at the new property, called Llwynywermod, in June 2008. [287] They also stay at Birkhall for some holidays, which is a private residence on the Balmoral Castle estate in Scotland, and was previously used by Queen Elizabeth The Queen Mother. [288] [289] [290]

In 2016, it was reported that his estates receive £100,000 a year in European Union agricultural subsidies. [291] Starting in 1993, the Prince of Wales has paid tax voluntarily under the Memorandum of Understanding on Royal Taxation, updated 2013. [292] In December 2012, Her Majesty's Revenue and Customs were asked to investigate alleged tax avoidance by the Duchy of Cornwall. [293] The Duchy of Cornwall is named in the Paradise Papers, a set of confidential electronic documents relating to offshore investment that were leaked to the German newspaper Süddeutsche Zeitung. The papers show that the Duchy invested in a Bermuda-based carbon credits trading company run by one of Charles's Cambridge contemporaries. The investment was kept secret but there is no suggestion that Charles or the estate avoided UK tax. [294]

Titles and styles

Charles has held titles throughout his life: the grandson of the monarch, the son of the monarch and in his own right. He has been a British prince since birth and was created Prince of Wales in 1958. [fn 4]

There has been speculation as to what regnal name the prince would choose upon his succession to the throne. If he uses his first name, he would be known as Charles III. However, it was reported in 2005 that Charles has suggested he may choose to reign as George VII in honour of his maternal grandfather, and to avoid association with the Stuart kings Charles I (who was beheaded) and Charles II (who was known for his promiscuous lifestyle), [296] as well as to be sensitive to the memory of Bonnie Prince Charlie, who was called "Charles III" by his supporters. [296] Charles's office responded that "no decision has been made". [297]

Honours and military appointments

Charles has held substantive ranks in the armed forces of a number of countries since he was made a flight lieutenant in the Royal Air Force in 1972. Charles's first honorary appointment in the armed forces was as Colonel-in-Chief of the Royal Regiment of Wales in 1969 since then, the prince has also been installed as Colonel-in-Chief, Colonel, Honorary Air Commodore, Air Commodore-in-Chief, Deputy Colonel-in-Chief, Royal Honorary Colonel, Royal Colonel, and Honorary Commodore of at least 32 military formations throughout the Commonwealth, including the Royal Gurkha Rifles, which is the only foreign regiment in the British army. [298] Since 2009, Charles holds the second-highest ranks in all three branches of the Canadian Forces and, on 16 June 2012, the Queen awarded the Prince of Wales honorary five-star rank in all three branches of the British Armed Forces, "to acknowledge his support in her role as Commander-in-Chief", installing him as Admiral of the Fleet, Field Marshal and Marshal of the Royal Air Force. [299] [300] [301]

He has been inducted into seven orders and received eight decorations from the Commonwealth realms, and has been the recipient of 20 different honours from foreign states, as well as nine honorary degrees from universities in the United Kingdom, Australia, and New Zealand.

Coat of arms of the Prince of Wales
Notes The coat of arms of the Prince of Wales, as used outside Scotland, is the royal coat of arms of the United Kingdom with the addition a three-pointed label and an inescutcheon bearing the arms of Wales. For the arms of the Duke of Rothesay in Scotland, see royal coat of arms of Scotland. Crest Upon the royal helm the coronet of the Prince of Wales, thereon a lion statant guardant Or crowned with the coronet of the Prince of Wales Escutcheon Quarterly 1st and 4th Gules three lions passant guardant in pale Or armed and langed Azure 2nd Or a lion rampant Gules armed and langued Azure within a double tressure flory counterflory 3rd Azure a harp Or stringed Argent overall an inescutcheon quarterly Or and Gules four lions passant guardant counterchanged, ensigned by the coronet of his degree. Supporters Dexter a lion rampant guardant Or imperially crowned proper, sinister a unicorn Argent, armed, crined and unguled Or, gorged with a coronet Or composed of crosses patée and fleurs de lys a chain affixed thereto passing between the forelegs and reflexed over the back also Or Motto ICH DIEN
(German for I serve) Orders Garter ribbon.
Honi soit qui mal y pense
(French for Shame be to him who thinks evil of it) Other elements The whole differenced by a plain label of three points Argent, as the eldest child of the sovereign Symbolism As with the Royal Arms of the United Kingdom. The first and fourth quarters are the arms of England, the second of Scotland, the third of Ireland.

Banners, flags, and standards

The banners used by the prince vary depending upon location. His Personal Standard is the Royal Standard of the United Kingdom differenced as in his arms with a label of three points Argent, and the escutcheon of the arms of the Principality of Wales in the centre. It is used outside Wales, Scotland, Cornwall, and Canada, and throughout the entire United Kingdom when the prince is acting in an official capacity associated with the UK Armed Forces. [302]

The personal flag for use in Wales is based upon the Royal Badge of Wales (the historic arms of the Kingdom of Gwynedd), which consist of four quadrants, the first and fourth with a red lion on a gold field, and the second and third with a gold lion on a red field. Superimposed is an escutcheon Vert bearing the single-arched coronet of the Prince of Wales. [302]

In Scotland the personal banner used since 1974 is based upon three ancient Scottish titles: Duke of Rothesay (heir apparent to the King of Scots), High Steward of Scotland and Lord of the Isles. The flag is divided into four quadrants like the arms of the Chief of Clan Stewart of Appin the first and fourth quadrants comprise a gold field with a blue and silver checkered band in the centre the second and third quadrants display a black galley on a silver field. The arms are differenced from those of Appin by the addition of an inescutcheon bearing the tressured lion rampant of Scotland defaced by a plain label of three points Azure to indicate the heir apparent. [302]

In Cornwall, the banner is the arms of the Duke of Cornwall: "Sable 15 bezants Or", that is, a black field bearing 15 gold coins. [302]

In 2011, the Canadian Heraldic Authority introduced a personal heraldic banner for the Prince of Wales for use in Canada, consisting of the shield of the Arms of Canada defaced with both a blue roundel of the Prince of Wales's feathers surrounded by a wreath of gold maple leaves, and a white label of three points. [303]

Kingston, Charles Cameron (1850–1908)

This article was published in Australian Dictionary of Biography, Volume 9, (MUP), 1983

Charles Cameron Kingston (1850-1908), by Swiss Studios, 1900s

Charles Cameron Kingston (1850-1908), lawyer and politician, was born on 22 October 1850 in Adelaide, younger son of Sir George Strickland Kingston and his second wife Ludovina Catherina da Silva, née Cameron. He was educated at J. L. Young's Adelaide Educational Institution and later articled to (Sir) Samuel James Way. He was admitted to the Bar in 1873, after the elder brother of Lucy May McCarthy unsuccessfully opposed his application on the alleged ground that Kingston had seduced Lucy. Later in the year, on 25 June, they married. When Way became chief justice of South Australia in 1876, Kingston began to practise on his own account, and in 1888 was appointed Q.C. Over six feet (183 cm) in height and possessed of tremendous strength, Kingston was a formidable athlete in his younger days and was president of the South Adelaide Football Club in 1880-1908. He also joined the Volunteer Military Force of South Australia and attained the rank of sergeant.

Kingston's parliamentary career began in 1881 as member for the House of Assembly seat of West Adelaide. He was re-elected for the same constituency six times until his resignation in 1900. He was attorney-general from June 1884 to June 1885 in the ministry of (Sir) John Colton, but the faction leader he most respected and admired was Thomas Playford. Kingston was attorney-general in the first Playford ministry from June 1887 to June 1889, and he played an important part in the introduction of legislation for the protective tariff and payment of members of parliament.

Kingston represented South Australia at the Australasian conference held in Sydney in June 1888 and, as a strong advocate of a White Australia and opponent of Chinese immigration, had much to do with framing the formula for its regulation. After Kingston's death the Federal Labor parliamentarian Dr William Maloney described him as the originator of the White Australia policy. He did not join the second Playford ministry when it was formed in 1890. However, as a favour to the premier, and at considerable monetary sacrifice, he became chief secretary for its last six months of office from January to June 1892. Playford was absent in India for most of this period and Kingston was acting premier.

The most dramatic and colorful episode in Kingston's political career occurred in 1892. After a prominent conservative member of the Legislative Council, (Sir) Richard Baker, denounced him as a coward, a bully and a disgrace to the legal profession, Kingston responded by describing Baker as 'false as a friend, treacherous as a colleague, mendacious as a man, and utterly untrustworthy in every relationship of public life'. Kingston did not stop there. He procured a pair of matched pistols, one of which he sent to Baker accompanied by a letter appointing the time for a duel in Victoria Square, Adelaide, on 23 December. Baker wisely informed the police who arrested Kingston shortly after he arrived, holding a loaded revolver. Amidst widespread publicity he was tried and bound over to keep the peace for twelve months. The sentence was still in force when he became premier in June 1893.

Victoria Square was the scene of another disturbance in 1895, when the Adelaide manager of the South Australian Co., provoked by remarks made by Kingston, thrashed him with a riding whip and drew blood. The powerfully built Kingston wrested the weapon away from his assailant and proceeded to chastise him. He later told the press: 'Who can now say that I have not shed my blood for South Australia? “What a pity”, my capitalistic friends will say, “that there was not more of it”'.

The election of April 1893, conducted while the South Australian economy was in a depressed state, radically altered the composition of the House of Assembly through an influx of new Labor members and rural reformers. Kingston skilfully welded together the liberal factions led by Playford, (Sir) John Cockburn and (Sir) Frederick Holder and, with the support of the Labor members, defeated the conservative Downer ministry. The Kingston ministry was in office until December 1899, then the longest-serving ministry in South Australia. Kingston continuously held the portfolio of attorney-general and was also minister of industry from January 1895.

The Kingston ministry is popularly credited with the following reforms: extension of the franchise to women, a legitimation Act, a conciliation and arbitration Act, establishment of a state bank, a high protective tariff, regulation of factories, and a progressive system of land and income taxation. The sheer volume of work accomplished is striking. Not all these reforms, however, were innovations of the Kingston ministry. For example, a land tax and a graduated income tax were already on the statute book, introduced by Kingston in 1885 when attorney-general in the Colton ministry his own ministry merely increased the rates of taxation. Kingston had opposed adult suffrage during the 1893 election but was persuaded to change his views under pressure from two of his ministerial colleagues, Cockburn and Holder, and from the Woman's Christian Temperance Union. Persuaded that votes for women would be politically advantageous, he proceeded to enforce Sunday closing of hotels, which had been legislated for by the Playford ministry but had remained a dead letter. In December 1894 South Australia became the first Australian colony to enact adult suffrage.

Kingston's industrial arbitration and conciliation legislation of 1894 was the first attempt in Australia to impose arbitration by law as a means of preventing and settling industrial strife. The trade unions did not care to register under the Act and remained outside its jurisdiction. Thus the Act was not a success. The Kingston ministry also established co-operative settlements along the banks of the River Murray in an attempt to alleviate high unemployment in the metropolitan area.

The (Royal) Adelaide Hospital dispute, developing from a comparatively trivial administrative conflict in 1894, plagued the ministry during its term of office and brought the government and the medical profession into open opposition. Kingston's intemperate remarks kept the row at fever pitch. The exchange of letters between (Sir) Josiah Symon and Kingston in the columns of the South Australian Register in July 1896 were so vituperative, according to Alfred Deakin, that they 'would have justified half a dozen duels'. In 1896 Kingston also described Dr E. W. Way, a member of the hospital's honorary staff and a brother of the chief justice, as a 'medical Jack the Ripper'. A senior official of the Colonial Office, in a minute dated 24 June 1896, despaired of the dispute and dismissed Kingston as 'perhaps the most quarrelsome man alive'. Kingston's transfer to Federal politics in 1901 was an important factor in bringing about settlement of the imbroglio.

Kingston's vindictive streak also came out in his savage cuts to the salary and allowances of the governor, the Earl of Kintore, in 1893. He attempted to restrict the vice-regal office further by sending documents needing approval in executive council so near to the time of the meeting that the governor had no hope of reading them. In all his dealings with Kingston, Kintore scrupulously observed the correct constitutional and social conventions and in his official correspondence never commented on Kingston's personality. However, in a private letter to the permanent head of the Colonial Office, he warned that 'in dealing with Kingston you are dealing with an able but absolutely unscrupulous man. His character is of the worst he is black hearted and entirely disloyal'.

One of Kingston's enduring preoccupations was to reduce the powers of the Legislative Council which heavily amended or rejected the more radical legislation passed in the Lower House. Successive attempts to reform the council's constituency by widening the franchise were defeated in the Upper House. Kingston's obsession with the council continued after the April 1899 election and caused some of his supporters to fear that his uncompromising attitude would lead him to seek a dissolution of the House of Assembly, with unpredictable consequences. In December 1899 a group of members including Playford, his political mentor who looked upon him almost as a son, crossed the floor and the Kingston ministry was defeated by one vote. Kingston requested the governor, Lord Tennyson, to dissolve the parliament so that he could appeal to the people. The governor did not act on Kingston's advice but sent for the mover of the adverse motion, Thomas Burgoyne, who declined the offer, and then for V. L. Solomon who succeeded in forming a ministry. This is the last-known occasion on which a governor of South Australia refused a premier's request for a dissolution of the House of Assembly. Ironically, Tennyson, in a letter to Queen Victoria of 19 September 1899, had written of Kingston that we 'work admirably together, & I greatly value his absolute straightforwardness'. But a letter written by Lady Tennyson in July 1903 revealed that her husband 'has always said he thinks [Kingston] is a terrible bully and frightfully obstinate'. Kingston resigned his seat in the assembly in February 1900. After unsuccessfully contesting a seat for the Legislative Council in May he eventually was elected at a by-election in September. He resigned on 3 December to enter Federal politics.

Kingston's major achievement was the contribution that he made to the Federation movement. As attorney-general in 1888 he took charge of the bill for securing the entry of South Australia into the Federal Council of Australasia. With Playford he represented South Australia at the session of the Federal council held in Hobart in February 1889 and piloted through resolutions for enlarging membership of the council. At the National Australasian Convention in Sydney in 1891, he was appointed to assist Sir Samuel Griffith and A. I. Clark to prepare the original Commonwealth bill. The South Australian delegates to the second convention of 1897-98 were elected directly by the people. Kingston headed the poll. He was elected president of the convention when it assembled in Adelaide in March 1897. His old political foe Baker lobbied successfully to keep him off the drafting committee. Such a move was regrettable (Sir) George Reid later praised Kingston as the best parliamentary draftsman he ever knew. Under Kingston's chairmanship, the convention made considerable progress towards a draft constitution. Kingston and the Victorian radical H. B. Higgins were responsible for the clause relating to the arbitration powers of the Commonwealth. Division between small and large States over the financial powers of the Senate was avoided when Kingston dramatically announced that he would vote with the delegates from New South Wales and Victoria to curtail these powers.

The convention was adjourned later in 1897 to enable the colonial representatives to attend Queen Victoria's diamond jubilee celebrations. While in England Kingston was appointed to the Privy Council and received an honorary D.C.L. from the University of Oxford. He also refused a knighthood. Playford, who had resigned from the Kingston ministry in 1894 to become agent-general in London, wrote to his daughter: 'Mrs. K. did not like it … and she made herself as disagreeable as she knew how. Poor Kingston had a fearful time of it with her'.

Kingston returned to London in 1900 with Deakin and (Sir) Edmund Barton to ensure that the Commonwealth of Australia bill passed through the Imperial parliament with as few changes as possible. The delegation gained several peripheral concessions from the British colonial secretary, Joseph Chamberlain, but lost the most important point when Chamberlain insisted that appeals to the Privy Council not be deleted from the bill. After tenaciously arguing their case Kingston and the others had no choice but to give in, though Deakin called the whole affair 'A Drawn Battle'.

At the first Federal election in 1901 South Australia voted as one electorate for House of Representatives seats. Standing on a strong protectionist platform, Kingston topped the poll. He emphasized the social consequences of protection: the goods produced overseas by cheap labour had to be excluded to protect employment and living standards. Protection, he believed, would integrate nation-building and the interests of the working-class, and was the essential prerequisite for factory regulatory acts and the system of conciliation and arbitration he desired to establish.

The Bulletin would have liked to see Kingston become the first prime minister. Barton gave him the demanding portfolio of trade and customs. Kingston guided the first tariff through parliament it took a whole year of untiring effort before the legislation was passed. As an autocrat he insisted upon personally making all decisions affecting the administration of the department, no matter how trivial. As a result he was a bad administrator. Moreover, he was ill from 1902 and subject to moods of great depression. Barton wrote to Deakin about his fears for Kingston's mental balance and the overworking of customs officials. In applying the Customs Act and its regulations, Kingston fell foul of business interests, notably chambers of commerce, for his meticulous checking of duties liable on imports many importing firms were prosecuted for breaches of the law. It would appear that the dividing line between inadvertent error and wilful fraud was not always recognized. Predictably, Kingston enjoyed a fight with his enemies, despite the embarrassment caused to some of his ministerial colleagues, and refused to make any concessions. Nevertheless, his tyrannical style of administration abolished many anomalies and laid the foundations for a department with high standards of probity.

The last issue that Kingston threw himself into was the conciliation and arbitration bill of 1903. As the pioneer of such measures in Australia, he drafted the bill but disagreement broke out in cabinet over whether the proposed legislation should apply to British and foreign seamen engaged in the Australian coastal trade. Sir John Forrest was intransigent in his opposition, Barton sided with him and Kingston resigned from the ministry in July 1903. Shortly afterwards his health broke down completely. Political unsettlement and the intervention of an election delayed the bill from gaining the royal assent until December 1904.

In December 1903 Kingston was elected unopposed for the new seat of Adelaide. When the first Labor ministry was formed by J. C. Watson in 1904, he was invited, with the concurrence of the Labor caucus, to join the ministry. Unlike his colleague Higgins he did not accept, probably because ill health was already causing frequent absences from parliament. It is unlikely that Kingston ever considered joining the Labor Party his scorn of caucus tyranny suggests that he remained a nineteenth-century radical and individualist. The Labor Party gave him immunity at the November 1906 election and he was re-elected unopposed, although by this time clearly too ill to carry out his parliamentary duties. Kingston died of cerebro-vascular disease in Adelaide on 11 May 1908, and was accorded a state funeral. In earlier days he had profited from mining interests in Western Australia and at Silverton, New South Wales, but he was devoid of all money sense and left an estate of less than £2200. However, his wife, who died in 1919, left an estate of some £30,000.

Kingston was the dominant and outstanding figure in late colonial politics in South Australia. He was also one of the leading figures in the Federation movement and left his stamp on the early Commonwealth. A passionate and explosive personality, he was a warm and generous friend. But he was also a bullying and vindictive foe. In 1898 he insisted that his former friend turned critic, E. Paris Nesbit, Q.C., be kept in a lunatic asylum, despite the medical superintendent's opinion that Nesbit should be released.

Kingston's almost total preoccupation with politics may possibly be linked to the tragedy of his family life. His marriage was not a happy union and he soon returned to lechery. He was widely believed to be the father of the firebrand Labor politician A. A. Edwards. His talented elder brother, Strickland George Kingston, to whom he was close and who had been his legal partner until receiving six months imprisonment in 1884 for shooting at a cabman, became an alcoholic and eventually suicided in 1897. Disputes with his family over the terms of his father's will dragged on through the courts for many years. There was no issue from his marriage and his adopted son died in 1902. His wife's behaviour became increasingly eccentric.

For radicals and Labor supporters, the Bulletin's obituary of Kingston summed it all up: he was 'Australia's Noblest Son … a good Australian all the time, and a good Democrat all the time'. He is still regarded in radical circles as one of the greatest Australians, a tremendous reformer, and a wild man to boot. However, the tribune of the people was also an autocrat with a titanic ego, and the passions which often motivated him were not those of a gentle idealist. Deakin, admiring his 'great ability' and 'indomitable will', noted that 'No man more enjoyed the confidence of the masses'. Yet he regretted that 'Kingston's courage verged upon unscrupulousness' and observed: 'Strong passions had crippled his self-development'. Beatrice Webb had mixed feelings when she met him in 1898. She admired him as 'an industrious, upright and capable administrator, with great Parliamentary powers'. At the same time she was disturbed by his 'spite' and 'demagogic dislike of any distinction or superiority', epitomized by his 'war with “Society”, the University and his colleagues in the legal profession'. More recently Douglas Pike, in his Australia: the Quiet Continent, had similar qualms: 'he liked to champion the weak as a lawyer, but as Premier he preferred to bully the opposition. His support for arbitration in industrial disputes and votes for women won him repute as a Democrat, but most of his reforms were designed to hurt his enemies more than to help the people'. A bronze statue by A. Drury of Kingston in the uniform of a privy councillor was unveiled in 1916 in Victoria Square, Adelaide, a portrait by Ambrose Patterson is held at Parliament House, Canberra, and a bust is held in Parliament House, Adelaide. The southern beachside suburb of Kingston Park, where Kingston inherited land and a substantial holiday home from his father, is named for the family.

Select Bibliography

  • H. G. Turner, The First Decade of the Australian Commonwealth (Melb, 1911)
  • T. A. Coghlan, Labour and Industry in Australia, vol 4 (Oxford, 1918)
  • F. Johns, A Journalist's Jottings (Adel, 1922)
  • A. J. McLachlan, McLachlan (Adel, 1948)
  • E. L. French (ed), Melbourne Studies in Education 1960-61 (Melb, 1962)
  • A. Deakin, The Federal Story, J. A. La Nauze ed (Melb, 1963)
  • B. Webb, The Webbs' Australian Diary 1898, A. G. Austin ed (Melb, 1965)
  • C. P. Trevelyan, Letters from North America and the Pacific 1898 (Lond, 1969)
  • J. A. La Nauze, The Making of the Australian Constitution (Melb, 1972)
  • R. Norris, The Emergent Commonwealth (Melb, 1975)
  • P. Loveday et al (eds), The Emergence of the Australian Party System (Syd, 1977)
  • Audrey Tennyson's Vice-Regal Days, A. Hasluck ed (Canb, 1978)
  • M. Blencowe and R. van den Hoorn (eds), Historical Essays: South Australia in the 1890's (Adel, 1983)
  • Observer (Adelaide), 31 Dec 1892, 3 Aug 1895, 16 May 1908
  • Advertiser (Adelaide), 12 May 1908
  • West Australian, 16 May 1908
  • Mail (Adelaide), 27 May 1916, 8 July 1922
  • Register (Adelaide), 24 Mar 1873, 25 Feb 1927
  • R. L. Reid, South Australia and the First Decade of Federation (M.A. thesis, University of Adelaide, 1953)
  • E. J. Wadham, The Political Career of C. C. Kingston (1881-1900) (M.A. thesis, University of Adelaide, 1953)
  • C. Campbell, Charles Cameron Kingston: Radical Liberal and Democrat (B.A. Hons thesis, University of Adelaide, 1970)
  • M. A. Heaney, The Adelaide Hospital Dispute (1894-1902) (B.A. Hons thesis, University of Adelaide, 1980).

Related Entries in NCB Sites

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The unveiling

The statue, shipped to South Australia free of charge by the Orient Steam Navigation Co., arrived at Port Adelaide in November 1915.

By this time Way was dead and Denny was fighting in France in the First World War. The unveiling was therefore co-ordinated by Bonython who chaired the statue committee. It was set to coincide with a Premier’s Conference to enable interstate politicians to attend. Sir Edmund Barton, who had worked with Kingston to establish the Australian nation, made a special trip to be there.

The unveiling on 26 May 1916 was in front of a large public gathering with prominent South Australian and interstate figures such as Governor Sir Henry Galway, Premier Crawford Vaughan and his five ministers, Governor-General Sir Ronald Munro-Ferguson, Acting Prime Minister Pearce, the federal treasurer, various premiers, South Australia's Chief Justice, senior public servants and Adelaide's Mayor attending.

In outlining the history of the statue, Bonython emphasised Kingston’s role as a statesman and patriot. He acknowledged Kingston’s love of power, but never for his own sake. Pearce stressed that while Kingston had been a Liberal and ‘not a Labour man’, he had earned the respect of labour. Barton, Australia’s first prime minister, noted Kingston’s popularity, his support for ‘the poor and oppressed’ and his contributions to forming the nation and to state and federal politics.

To the accompaniment of the Mitcham Camp Reinforcement Band and public applause, the governor-general unveiled the statue and Kingston's wife placed a wreath of violets at its base.

J150 Plaque

Charles Cameron Kingston PC


Lawyer, parliamentarian,


By History Trust of South Australia

Cite this

History Trust of South Australia, &lsquoJ150 Plaque, Charles Kingston&rsquo, SA History Hub, History Trust of South Australia, https://sahistoryhub.history.sa.gov.au/things/j150-plaque-charles-kingston, accessed 17 June 2021.

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Earning a Crust

“When George Thomas Allnutt was 21, he worked on the railway line, where he had a contract carting gravel with horse and drays. That gave him enough money to purchase 12 acres in Centre Dandenong Road in Cheltenham. That was in 1884. He lived by himself on his block until he had cleared the land, and then married. He and his wife started to breed Jersey cattle. They had Jersey cattle for many years, as the Jersey was a recognised breed, for its very rich milk. Then, over the next 25 years, he added other properties to it. He owned right back to where Mentone Racecourse was, right up to the corner of Warrigal Road and Cheltenham Roads. He was a vegetable grower, a dairy farmer, and later, a highly successful horse and cattle dealer," recalls Len Allnutt, George’s grandson. [2]

Committee of the Cheltenham and Moorabbin Show, November 8, 1913. Courtesy of Len Allnutt

Being independent and willing to work day and night to stay that way, helped early settlers such as George T. Allnutt, to make Kingston the thriving community it is today. What did people do for a living? How did these occupations come about? Where did the people who would shape the look and feel of the area come from? What opportunities did they have? What motivated them to follow their life path?

As soon as Real Estate Agents such as Birtchnell Brothers and Porter of Swanston Street, Melbourne, advertised country properties and agricultural land at the height of the boom in 1888, struggling farmers and even those who were not, were tempted to take up land in the Kingston area, where “the sale of hay promised to return 4 tons an acre" it was said. Birtchnell Brothers and Porter paid particular attention to the Carrum Swamp, where they recognised great value in the rich, decomposed soil, washed down hill for centuries." [3]

Alf Priestly recalls that his father shifted to Carrum from his farm on the Mallee. The government had made the allotments there too small, so they wanted half the farmers off the land, in order to increase the size of the holdings for the other half, he says. Despite the fact that the Government had offered him other allotments, Alf’s father chose to settle in Carrum. “Dad wanted to help run grandfather’s farm, and remain independent enough on one of his own," says Alf. “He shifted the whole lot. Horses, cattle, house, (the house was all dismantled), machinery everything came down on one train. From the Mallee to Carrum! That was stock, everything! Poultry, the whole lot," Alf recalls with admiration. “The logistics of getting that together all within two days boggle the mind," he adds. “They had a helluva lot of get up and go! It had to be done … and no one was going to do that for them."[4]

Ken Smith’s father moved from Warracknabeal where he was a flour miller, to establish a poultry farm at Cheltenham in 1916. He paid £250 for three and a quarter acres, and built a house on it, mortgaging everything to the ES&A Bank, at Cheltenham, says Ken. [5] As there was no town water, they dug a sixty foot deep well, and bought a red windmill to pump water for their poultry. Ken says that’s how their property came to be named “The Red Mill Poultry Farm". They kept White Leghorns, Black Orpingtons, and Rhode Island Reds as well as a few ducks in the duck yard, Ken recalls. [6] The eggs were collected by a cartage firm called Coots, who took them to either Gippsland and Northern, or to Barrow Bros who were wholesalers. A cheque was sent to the poultry farmers when the eggs were sold to the retailers. Even though this came regularly, Ken says that his father never ever got out of the red. He always owed money to the bank. “A terrible amount," says Ken with great sympathy for his hardworking father. [7]

Seeking to make a better living, he turned to growing flowers in 1927. The idea for this, Ken says occurred to his father when he noticed a man in Glebe Avenue at Cheltenham growing poppies.

“You’d pick 50 poppies to a bunch and tie them up, burn the ends of the poppies with newspaper, and then dip them in cold water, and you might get 10 or 20 bunches every day, and take them in to Caulfield and finally Elwood, and hawk them for three pence a bunch. And that would bring a bit of money in, you see," says Ken. [8]

Flower growing became such a success that his father finally decided to get rid of the ‘chooks’ entirely in order to open a florist shop in Elwood. It paid money, he says. In fact, it made enough money for his father to be able to afford to buy the shop next door. Ken remembers that when he pulled his old shop down, a man called Watty Watson, once Mayor of St Kilda, built them a magnificent new shop with a residence up top in 1936. [9]

Another settler, Norman Charles Liddell had brought his family to Cheltenham from Mount Morgan in Queensland, to buy land in Farm Road. Norman Charles’s son, Alf Liddell remembers that it cost them about £1000, for a very nice home and eleven acres. They grew flowers, mainly carnations and Iceland poppies, says Alf. [10] Their Uncle Tom also grew delphiniums, but they were such a tender, precious plant, that the iron wheels of the lorry jerked off every head before it got to the corner of their stony, unmade road, he says with a chuckle.

The Liddell Family, 1910. Seated: Emma Liddell- nee Bloomfield (Left to Right). Standing, Tom Liddell, Alice Evelyn (Dolly) and Norman Charles Liddell. Courtesy of Alf Liddell.

Norman Charles Liddell’s daughter Sylvia Roberts recalls their journey to the market. “We used to go to market with Uncle Tom in the old lorry. The horse used to take us and would bring us back. There were tram plates on either side of the road and the horse used to get in these, and go right to the market. He wouldn’t have to be guided there and he wouldn’t have to be guided home. Uncle Tom would be asleep sitting up the back. This we’d start off at 11 o’clock at night and we’d get in there about 3 or 4 in the morning to sell our goods," she says.[11]

Children were expected to help with chores or the running of family enterprises, and there are amazing tales of their ability to shoulder major responsibilities at a very young age. There were eight children, Alf says, and the eldest four had pretty well left school by the time he started. His sister was taken out of school at about eleven years of age to help her mother at home. His dad took him out of school before he turned 14, and gave him the equivalent of $1.50 a week, and with the other hand took back $1.10 for living expenses, Alf says, with wry humour. [12]

“When we went down the paddock to hoe or weed or something, no boots were the thing," he recalls.

“We were only allowed to wear boots to school. There would be nettles there, but your feet would be so cold that you wouldn’t feel anything. My twin brother used to help. He was a little thin thing, and he used to cry, so I’d put him under a hedge and wrap his feet in my scarf, while I tried to do twice as much, so that old Tom wouldn’t know. Our feet would be like big heavy blocks. Then when the sun came out and your circulation started, they would itch, because of all the bites." [13]

Being multi-skilled was an asset then, as it is now. Success came to those who were able to see opportunities for growth, like George T. Allnutt, or turn a disaster in the marketplace into an advantage, as the Gartside Brothers were able to do. With his grandfather George T. Allnutt Len says, one thing led to another. While he was contracting on some big jobs on the roads, he also had horses working on them. “He started in a small way," says Len. “He was a great judge of a horse. He used to go all over country Victoria and to the Riverina, where they’d breed horses, and he’d buy horses, bring them down, and break them in." [14]

In those days there was no motor truck, and people had to depend on the horse for work and transport. They had different horses for different jobs, Len remembers. Bakers, butchers and milkmen had what were known as light delivery horses. Then there were heavy working horses, which would pull lorries filled with bricks, or cans of night soil, or work in the vegetable gardens and on the farms. He traded in all horses, says Len, but mainly working horses because he worked them himself. Once they were trained, he would sell them. [15]

Frank Baguley, who started the Flower Growers’ Association and still runs a thriving business, selling cut flowers and clean stock, in Heatherton, remembers the work opportunities created by the Gartside Brothers in Dingley. Charlie Gartside was a Member of Parliament, he recalls. He had four brothers and they started the canning factory before the war. They used to grow vegetables along with all the other market gardeners. When they realised that they couldn’t sell them to make a profit, they got the brilliant idea that if they could tin it, save it and sell it, they wouldn’t be selling the vegetables for nothing. The tin, save and sell solution of the Gartside Brothers was a boon to the local market gardening community. [16]

The Gartside Bros Cannery, 1932. Courtesy of Dingley Village and District Historical Society.

Frank recalls that he once worked for a man named Bob, who had cultivated just two acres of carrots in Dingley. Gartsides took the whole harvest of his carrots. All Bob had to do was pick them, and put them in bags. He didn’t even have to wash them! And after that, Frank says, old Bob built that new house up in Boundary Road for £350! [17]

Joe Souter, a successful market gardener, contractor, and a self-taught mechanical genius, explains that the Gartsides were engineers who started by dehydrating vegetables for the First World War troops, before they had their cannery. “They dehydrated vegetables, and then they went into pickles," he says. “They put them into bottles, big long bottles square bottles in fact," he adds. They pickled onions, cauliflowers and made cauliflower mustard pickles. “Without a doubt," Joe says, “Gartsides had the best processed food in the whole of Australia." [18]

Service industries were needed to support the landowners. The skills of the ploughman were in demand. Wheelwrights and blacksmiths came to maintain horse drawn transport. And when Tommy Bent put through the train-line from Melbourne to Frankston bringing crowds of holiday-makers in its wake there was a need for stationmasters and mistresses, and cabbies for both horse drawn and motor vehicles, to carry people to their particular holiday destinations. [19]

In the era before tractors of course, Kath Kirkcaldy’s father was a wonderful ploughman. He used to plough the market gardens. In those days it was an acquired skill. Not everybody knew how to turn the furrows properly and also to get them straight says Kath, and her father was very good at what he did. [20]

Norm Stephens’ grandfather, Bill Stephens arrived in Carrum in the early 1900’s, and he became an all-rounder, combining the services of store-keeping, blacksmithing, timber selling and cattle dealing. He also became Mayor of the Borough of Carrum.[21] Bill employed a blacksmith, and his grandson Norm recalls that he and his father were always around horses watching the blacksmith shoeing them, or seeing his grandfather fitting steel tyres onto the jinkers they used to transport holiday-makers arriving at Carrum Station to destinations further down the bay. He used to play in there, he says, loading up the fire, heating up the iron and bending it. [22]

Although most people walked or rode horses and bikes everywhere, there were times when people needed to take a cab. Joy Telfer remembers she would get off the train when it was raining and get driven home by Mrs Dodd in her horse and jinker. Later, Mrs Dodd bought herself a car, and learnt to drive it, says Joy, and when she and her father came home on the train together, she would rather walk than ride with her. “I said to Dad, you go with Mrs. Dodd, Dad, you can go home with Mrs. Dodd, I’m walking!" [23] Perhaps suggesting that Mrs Dodd’s driving lacked something?

Chelsea Station about 1917, with Mrs Dodd’s cab to the left. Courtesy of Chelsea and District Historical Society.

Norm Stephens’ father operated as a cabby from the wood yard and blacksmith shop. There were five stables, and a loft, and the other part was a garage. It housed an old Chevrolet and a Ford, which were used as cabs after they finished with the horse-drawn ones, he recalls. [24]

The settlers in Kingston at the time of Federation had to be tough, flexible and inventive. Joe Souter regards the spirit of Australians as being somehow different. “I know and understand," he says, “because we lived in a country where you had to improvise, particularly on farms. You had to! Otherwise you took things to a blacksmith and waited for a week, or did it yourself. That’s the way it was. You had to think for yourself," he says. [25]

When he was President of the tennis club at Dingley, Joe was contracted by the Springvale Council to level the Dingley Reserve. He improvised a method of surveying the slanted surface of the reserve- (slanted so that it would drain he says)- so that the slant would be compensated for by the angle of the pegging. The councillors were astounded that his home-made method of surveying could be so accurate, says Joe’s wife, Betty, who along with Joe was on the committee for raising funds for the Dingley Reserve. [26]

George T. Allnutt’s grandson Len says that his grandfather was always having a go at making things, such as labour saving devices. He had a potato planter, which he did not patent, and he made the first tip truck from a T-model Ford chassis on which he built a tray body, when he was contracted to make the road from Frankston to Portsea. But the invention for which he is best known is the Invicta Butter Cutter. Len describes the Invicta Butter Cutter as standing on legs, with a series of wires crossways and vertically, which were brought down over the block of butter, to cut the 56 pounds into 112 and a half equal pieces with no waste. He patented it, says Len, and then a few years later he sold it to the Cherry’s, but he got the royalties for 30 years from it. Len recalls that there is one in the Dairy Museum at Phillip Island. [27]

The growing community needed supplies, and stores and shops in the area offered new opportunities of employment for women. Timber yards, such as Cauldwell’s of Mentone, not only supplied materials, but built houses as well. One of these was a house for William Black, the first settler in Chelsea. It’s still there today, on the corner of Swanpool Avenue and Black Street. His daughter Bertha Armstrong, remembers that later, her brother Sidney Black built the first shop in Chelsea for a Mr. Callaghan. ‘Why my father never opened one, I can’t imagine, as weekenders often came to my mother for something they had forgotten or run out of’ she writes. [28]

Edwin Thomas Deakin, a baker in Loch, South Gippsland, decided to settle in Carrum in 1901, and Miss Deakin describes her father’s beginnings as a baker:

‘My father proceeded to build a scotch oven with a furnace fed by wood. There was no electricity or piped water. So for the household needs, we had a water tank, and, for the doughs, water from a well. My father made the dough, baked the bread at night and delivered it by day from Frankston to Mordialloc along Pt. Nepean Road and over to Wells Road making a round trip with his horse and cart.’ [29]

Norm Stephens says that when his father left his Hardware Shop because he was unwilling to press for monies owed him by customers who enjoyed taking advantage of his gentle nature, he began working with Deakin’s Bakery. He and his dad, he says worked with Deakin’s until they finally sold out to the big firms, Hodders and Crowe at Black Rock, who in turn sold out to Sunicrust.

“I used to go with dad, in the old horse and cart days, delivering bread, of a Saturday morning," Norm remembers. “We used to leave about a quarter to five, I think. I would ride a pushbike, with a basket on the handlebars and deliver the bread up and down the streets of Chelsea. We’d walk down the bottom of Fowlers Avenue and deliver the bread to the houses down there. So dad would only have to come down, round, along and up."[30]

Surprisingly, there was a door-to-door delivery service of goods. Fresh bread milk meat sometimes fish, and then the iceman called once a week with ice-blocks to keep things cool in the ice chest or old Coolgardie safe. Joy Telfer and her daughter Ann remember that Friday was always fish, because the fisherman called to the door. “They didn’t go shopping as we do nowadays because everybody delivered to the house. The grocer called and delivered … the store delivered the milkman delivered and even into the late 40’s, the iceman delivered the blocks for the ice chest of their Coolgardie Safe on the back verandah," says Ann.[31]

Joyce Peterson remembers that there was a butcher, a Mr. Hewitt, who came up from Cheltenham once a week, with meat and ice in the cart. He had a piece of bracken to shoo the flies away. “When the cart was opened the meat nearly walked out to me," she says. There was also Aldridge the baker there was a fruit man and the Co-op grocer, who used to come round one day to get the order and deliver the next, she recalls.[32]

Publicans, hoteliers and innkeepers were attracted to the district to provide hospice and a place for entertainment and relaxation for visitors and locals. Men only of course, as women were not seen in such establishments except in the course of duty as cleaners or barmaids. Joy Telfer recalls that the women used to sit out around the brick wall shelling their peas for tea, and the husbands would be in the pubs, because the ladies weren’t allowed in. [33]

The general store Sidney Black built at Carrum for Mr. Callaghan was sold to a Mr. Gill, who in turn sold out to a Mrs. Duncan. She held a Commonwealth wine licence for the small wine saloon on the south side of that building from 1908.[34] So not all publicans were men. There seem to have been at least two women publicans known to Alf Liddell. He recalls that Mary Porter, a Methodist, actually built the Boundary Road Pub at the corner of East Boundary Road and Centre Road. “Nobody was allowed to talk about it," he says. “She was forbidden fruit. She made herself forbidden fruit. A nice pub, when she built it. She didn’t muck around. No half measures. It’s still there," says Alf. [35] Then there was the popular Cheltenham or Keighran’s Hotel from which Cheltenham got its name. It was a hub of action, and the publican, Keighran himself is the subject of many a great yarn told by Len Allnutt. [36]

Porter’s Boundary Hotel, 1905.

As the settlement became established land became more attractive, and real estate agents took up residence. The community built churches and schools helped by benefactors such as the Allnutts, Attenboroughs and Gartsides. Clergy and undertaker served the spiritual needs of the community and teachers took up the challenge of educating children.

Banks were there to offer credit and managers at times risked their personal money to give worthwhile people a chance to survive in hard times. Joe Souter recalls that his father wanted to buy a horse, and went to one of the banks saying that he needed to borrow eight pounds to buy it. When the bank manager asked him what collateral he had, his father had said, ‘My face!’ “The manager looked at him", Joe goes on with the story. “ ‘Oh!’ He says. ‘I don’t know,’ he says, ‘But I tell you what’, he says, “I will lend you the eight pound, but if you don’t pay me, I’ll lose that eight pounds with the Bank." [37]

And of course, the community demanded doctors, midwives and nurses, to deal with their medical problems. Ken Smith recalls that a Dr Johnstone had a medical centre just south of where the Cheltenham School is now. On one occasion, he was going to Sunday school with Kenny Butterworth, and they were misbehaving. Young Butterworth dropped half a brick on Ken’s head and cut it right open. He had no sympathy from his father, he recalls, who merely sent him bleeding to Dr Johnstone. “Dr Johnstone said, ‘I won’t stitch it up, because the stitch marks will stay’ so he only put plaster across," reports Ken still wincing at the thought. [38]

Women were as capable and resourceful in their own way as the men, working in the fields when necessary. Frank Baguley’s wife helped him throughout the mean, lean and good times. “My wife helped me one helluva lot in the early days after we were married. She worked with me, all the times, never faltered. She used to pick flowers with two children on her back, and helped him to clear the block, sawing through trees some of which were five feet across. “She helped me do that," he says.[39]

Len Allnutt recalls that many women were in domestic service. They were employed in shops, perhaps as bookkeepers. Estate Agents always had girls in their offices as secretaries. And then of course there were the teaching and nursing professions. A lot of country girls would take on nursing or teaching, he observes. [40] The Melbourne Benevolent Asylum (MBA) established in Cheltenham offered employment for administrative, domestic and nursing staff during this time. Len recalls this interesting story about the MBA.

“Actually," Len says, “How the Melbourne Benevolent Asylum came to be there, was because of Tommy Bent. The home was at North Melbourne. It was overflowing and they knew they had to get somewhere else. When Tommy Bent who represented this area, obtained the 300 odd acres at Cheltenham the press attacked him.[41] There was a great howl, he ought to be gaoled, and all the rest of it. There was a great furore. He bought it to make employment in his own constituency. Before they got the land cleared and the buildings up, he had died. I think it was round about 1903–1904 when he got the land, and the Benev. didn’t finally open here until 1910. That’s how it came to be out here, from North Melbourne, because Tommy Bent bought the land. He was the instigator," Len maintains.[42]

Many nurses were needed at the Melbourne Benevolent Asylum. Courtesy of Len and Dorothy Allnutt

And of course, for the final journey, there was a need for the specialised skill of the undertaker. W.D. Rose was an undertaking firm established in the district in the 1880s. It was a family concern. Len Allnutt’s family had a long friendship with the Roses lasting to this day. “There was a fellow in our grade at school who lived near here, who became a gravedigger, and he said to me that in all the 40 years he had been at the Cheltenham Cemetery, no undertaker had ever said a word against Roses. “That’s the name they bear," says Len with pride. [43]

Those who were in a better position than others did not shirk their duty of care to the community. Ken Smith remembers that the Rose Family spent a lot of money on looking after people. They did it quietly, he says. The front door was always open, and inside, there were all classes of people, from top to bottom in their lounge room having a chat. This was characteristic of the times, he fondly recalls.[44]

There was a great deal of unpaid work done by men and women in those early days. Families not only worked hard for a crust. They freely and cheerfully contributed of their time, money and talent to provide transport, entertainment, and facilities, and also to organise committees and events to showcase the achievements of their beloved communities.

Len Allnutt says that in his father’s day, people gave their time freely. They would have been offended if anybody had offered them any pay for what they did, he maintains. “They would put their own money into things, and if there were an appeal they would be the first to throw in money." They tried to help the sporting clubs, and all the other things in the district." He recalls with approval. [45]

Why Did the Manson Family Kill Sharon Tate? Here’s the Story Charles Manson Told the Last Man Who Interviewed Him

I n Quentin Tarantino’s Once Upon a Time … in Hollywood, one of the most infamous crimes of the 20th century plays a prominent role: though the movie’s story is fictionalized, Margot Robbie plays Sharon Tate, the real actor who was a victim of the 1969 murders committed by followers of the cult leader Charles Manson.

A half-century after Tate’s death, there remain plenty of myths and theories about why Manson’s followers carried out the murders &mdash and one of the biggest questions is the extent to which Charles Manson himself was involved, and why.

At the time, prosecutors said that Manson, who wanted to be a rock star, ordered the murders of Tate and four others because the previous owner of the house at which the deaths occurred &mdash Terry Melcher, a music producer &mdash had refused to make a record with Manson. Prosecutor Vincent Bugliosi also argued that Manson was obsessed with the Beatles’ White Album, and thought its message was that he should start a race war by framing black innocents for crimes against affluent white people the “race war” was nicknamed “Helter Skelter” after that song, and the fact that the word “pig” was written on the wall at the crime scene in blood was linked to the track “Piggies.”

But, says James Buddy Day, a true-crime TV producer and author of the new book Hippie Cult Leader: The Last Words of Charles Manson, everyone involved in the crimes had a slightly different take on what happened. While researching the book, Day conducted interviews with Manson &mdash who was still serving a life sentence &mdash during the year leading up to Manson’s death on Nov. 19, 2017, at the age of 83, and is thus believed to be the last person to interview the infamous criminal at length.

“There are so many people involved in the Manson story, not one of them can say what really happened. No one was making decisions for the whole group,” he says.

One of the people who offered Day a version of the story was, of course, Manson, who maintained his innocence until his death. “I didn&rsquot have nothing to do with killing those people,” he told Day in a phone call. &ldquoThey knew I didn&rsquot have anything to do with it.&rdquo So the story Manson told Day about the summer of 1969 is one in which, unlike in the “Helter Skelter” story, his role in the murders is relatively small.

“There’s this whole underlying story people don&rsquot know,” says Day, who, 50 years later, hopes to set the record straight. The theory that Day describes in his book revolves around events that were known 50 years ago, but are not as well known today as the Tate murder is. Rather than looking at grudges or hidden messages, this story starts instead with a botched drug deal that took place that July 1.

The story, as Day tells it in his book, is this: Charles “Tex” Watson was a drug dealer in Los Angeles who lived at Spahn Ranch with Manson and his followers. Watson had stolen money from another dealer, Bernard Crowe. Crowe called Spahn ranch to look for Watson. Charles Manson was put on the line, and Crowe threatened to come kill everyone unless he got his money back. The threat led Manson to go to Crowe’s Hollywood apartment. The two men fought and Manson shot Crowe in the stomach Manson believed he’d killed Crowe, though he hadn’t.

Day identifies this moment as a turning point. After, as fear of outsiders and retaliation intensified, Manson warned the ranch residents that the Black Panthers &mdash a group to which he believed Crowe belonged &mdash were going to come after them.

“Manson said, ‘Now we gotta fend for ourselves because the Black Panthers are going to kill us,'” says Day. “At that point, Manson has two problems: First, he&rsquos worried that Black Panthers will take revenge for the drug dealer he believes he&rsquos murdered, and second is that anyone in the group can rat him out. So he comes up with a strategy of saying, if everyone&rsquos willing to commit these violent acts, it will bond us together, and no one can tell on anyone.”

The dynamic of the group further changed, this theory alleges, when Manson invited the motorcycle gang known as the Straight Satans to live on the ranch, to enjoy the female company in exchange for protecting the rest of the group from the Black Panthers. The Straight Satans weren’t the only ones he invited to the ranch for that reason. Another man who came around that time was Bobby Beausoleil, a wannabe biker he’d met via the Topanga Canyon music scene.

Beausoleil told Day that he wanted to impress the Straight Satans, so when they wanted drugs, he volunteered to find some. He got them some mescaline he’d purchased from his friend Gary Hinman, a grad student at UCLA. After the Straight Satans complained that the drugs were bad, Beausoleil tried to get their money back on July 25, he and Hinman fought and both were injured. Manson was called, and came over with reinforcements. He slashed Hinman’s face with a Confederate sword and fled the scene. Worried that Hinman would call the police, Beausoleil stabbed him to death on July 27.

He then tried to cover his tracks: Beausoleil wrote “Political Piggy” on a wall in blood and later told the police that he had seen the two men who killed Hinman, and that they were black. Mary Brunner, another former Manson family member, told the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Dept. in Dec. 1969 that Beausoleil also drew a black cat paw print on the wall to suggest the Black Panthers had been responsible for the crime.

&ldquoI don&rsquot remember a lot of what happened immediately after I killed Gary,” Beausoleil told Day during conversations on the phone from prison. (Beausoleil, who has admitted to the murder, was tried twice and convicted the second time.) “There was a concerted effort to throw off the police and make it look like someone else had done it.&rdquo

When Beausoleil was arrested on Aug. 6 outside L.A., Manson worried he might spill the beans about the framed crime scene or what had happened with Bernard Crowe. Manson told Watson to figure out a way to keep things quiet.

Someone at the ranch hatched a plan to replicate a copycat crime scene elsewhere, so police would believe Beausoleil’s story that Hinman’s killer was still on the loose. A spot was chosen: a house on Cielo Drive, apparently one that Watson knew because he had gone to a party Melcher threw there. On Aug. 8, Watson and three female members of the so-called Manson family &mdash Susan Atkins, Patricia Krenwinkel and Linda Kasabian &mdash headed to the house. Five people were murdered there: Tate, the three people she was hanging out with, and a man who ran into them after visiting the caretaker of the property. “PIG” was written in blood on a wall. The gun Manson used to shoot Crowe was the same gun Watson used that night.

On Aug. 10, they struck again, this time with Manson joining the group at the home of Leno and Rosemary LaBianca. Watson stabbed Leno, and he, Krenwinkel and another Manson family member named Leslie Van Houten stabbed Rosemary. Day’s theory is that Manson may have wanted money from Leno, a grocery-store-chain owner who liked to gamble, to pay off the Straight Satans, who were still angry about getting their money back for the bad mescaline.

A few months after Tate’s body was found on Aug. 9, 1969, Charles Manson and several of his followers were arrested for suspected auto theft. One of the Manson family members involved, Susan Atkins, told her cellmates that theft was not the limit of their crimes, and that confession led authorities to connect the group to the murders.

So, while media outlets like TIME reported that Manson had ordered the murders, which was also the timeline that came out in the trial, Manson’s own version was that his followers orchestrated the whole thing, and he was only involved in a passive way.

On Jan. 25, 1971, Manson, Susan Atkins, Patricia Krenwinkel, and Leslie Van Houten were convicted. They were later sentenced to death, but those sentences were changed to life in prison after California temporarily banned the death penalty in 1972. Later that year, Watson was convicted of the Tate murders, and Manson was also convicted of the murders of Gary Hinman and Donald Shea, a Hollywood stuntman who was killed at Spahn Ranch in late August of 1969. The lead prosecutor, Vincent Bugliosi, wrote a 1974 bestseller, and died in 2015. Linda Kasabian was granted immunity for giving testimony. Watson, Beausoleil and Van Houten are still alive and in prison. And there are several other Manson family members who were not involved in the Tate-LaBianca murders, but have talked to the press and done documentaries about life on the ranch, including the upcoming one Day is executive producing, Manson: The Women.

So with all that time talking to Charles Manson, what does Day believe actually happened? He says he thinks Manson’s version is more likely than not pretty close to the truth, but he doesn’t agree with the cult leader’s feeling that the drug-deal story is exculpatory.

“I think there&rsquos no question Manson is culpable for those murders, if not all of them,” Day says he believes. “The murders would not have happened without him.”

Charles Cameron Kingston PC QC

Privy Councillor and Queen’s Counsel, Premier of South Australia from 1893 to 1899 and member of the first Commonwealth ministry in 1901, Charles Cameron Kingston was one of the most significant fathers of Australian Federation, participating in every crucial convention or event from 1887 until 1901, with the exception of the 1890 Melbourne Conference. A radical liberal democrat, he identified strongly with the emerging labour movement, representing the solidly working-class district based in West Adelaide in both state and Federal Parliaments for over twenty-five years.

He was born in Adelaide, South Australia, on 22 nd October 1850, the son of George Strickland Kingston and his second wife Ludovina Catherina da Silva (née Cameron). After a prize-winning graduation from school, he was articled as a law clerk and, in 1873, admitted to practice, albeit after the brother of Lucy May McCarthy had unsuccessfully opposed his application on ‘moral’ grounds, accusing Kingston of seducing Lucy.

She and Charles married on 25 th June 1873 and remained together, despite numerous later scandals in Kingston’s personal life, including his being named as co-respondent in a society divorce early in his parliamentary career. The scandals never seemed to affect his popularity with his constituents nor impede his political progress, although he was shunned by polite Adelaide society. His more respectable passions included Australian Rules football (he helped to formulate the code of the modern game and was President of the South Adelaide Football Club) and the Volunteer Militia, in which he refused to take a commission, finishing his career, while still Premier, as a sergeant.

In public life he aroused great emotion, his combative and ferocious style often landing him in trouble. Most infamously, in 1892 he challenged Legislative Councillor Richard Baker to a duel. He was arrested in Victoria Square and bound over to keep the peace, only a few months before becoming premier. He was publicly assaulted in the street twice during his premiership, on each occasion getting the best of his assailant by vigorous counter-attack.

Nevertheless his career was productive and successful. In South Australia he promoted much innovative legislation, most of which was subsequently taken up by the new Commonwealth. This included a system of industrial conciliation and arbitration, a universal franchise that included women, protection of wages and working conditions through immigration control (later known as the ‘White Australia policy’) and development of local industry through government enterprise and protective tariffs. He failed in his attempts to democratize the Legislative Council of South Australia but succeeded in achieving a state-wide electorate and universal franchise for the Australian Senate.

Kingston’s greatest cause was Federation. He circulated an influential draft constitution prior to the 1891 Convention and, with Griffith and Barton, prepared the final document on board the steamship Lucinda. When Federation stalled, he drafted the enabling Bill at the Hobart Premiers’ Conference of 1895, providing for a new convention of directly-elected delegates to propose a constitution to be put to a referendum. He topped the poll in the 1897 Convention election. Securing Adelaide as the host city for the first session, he became Convention President, playing an active part in debate and campaigning vigorously in the subsequent referendums. As a member of the delegation in London when the constitution was considered by the Imperial Parliament in 1900, he took a hard line against any changes to the Bill.

He topped the state-wide poll for the House of Representatives in 1901 and was appointed Barton’s Minister for Trade and Customs, resigning from the ministry in 1903. He continued to be returned unopposed as the member for Adelaide until his death on 11 th May 1908. Vast crowds stood in the rain to watch his State funeral proceed through the city to West Terrace Cemetery. In 1916 his statue was erected in Victoria Square.

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